Sustainable development in Sub-Saharan Africa

Dublin Core

Tytuł

Sustainable development in Sub-Saharan Africa

Temat

Afryka Subsaharyjska - rozwój zrównoważony

Opis

210 s., il.

Twórca

Ząbek, Maciej (ed.)

Wydawca

University of Iringa (Tanzania)
Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology University of Warsaw

Data

2015

Prawa

Licencja PIA

Relacja

oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:publication:6650

Format

application/pdf

Język

ang

Typ

książka

Identyfikator

oai:cyfrowaetnografia.pl:6218

PDF Text

Text

edited by

Maciej Ząbek

SUSTAINABLE
DEVELOPMENT

in Sub-Saharan Africa

Sustainable development
in Sub-Saharan Africa

Sustainable development
in Sub-Saharan Africa

edited by
Maciej Ząbek

University of Iringa (Tanzania)
&
Institute of Ethnology and Cultural Anthropology
University of Warsaw
Iringa – Warsaw 2015

© Copyright by Maciej Ząbek 2015

Reviewers:
Prof. Nicholas T.A. Bangu
Prof. Wojciech Kluj

Proofreading by
Iwona Handzelewicz

Cover design by
Grzegorz Sztandera

Photo on the fourth page of the cover
Participants of the conference at the University of Iringa

ISBN 978-83-7401-515-8

Printed in Poland
WDR, Włocławek

CONTENTS
Introduction – Maciej Ząbek .....................................................     7
EVELYN PARABOY KANEY & KATHARINE N. FARRELL
Mobility as a Pastoralists’ Survival Technique . ....................   25
MACIEJ ZĄBEK
Refugee camps in Africa: Sustainable Existence
or Sustainable Development . ..............................................   49
SOSTHENES RUHEZA, Z.A. MATTEE, E.E. CHINGONIKAYA,
E.E. & Z. KILUGWE
Indigenous Knowledge system (IKS) and biodiversity
conservation in South Nguru Mountain Forest Reserve, Tanzania:
Often neglected Partner for sustainable management
and use of Biodiversity .........................................................   65
JERZY GILAROWSKI
Environmental Change and adjustments in agriculture
in Tanzania . ........................................................................   97
FLORA O. KASUMBA & ROBERT LUKELO
Sustainable Development and Graduate Unemployment
in Tanzania . ........................................................................ 121
JAROSŁAW RÓŻAŃSKI
Missions in northern Cameroon and development
of local cultures ................................................................... 139

6

Spis treści

RYSZARD PIASECKI & JANUSZ GUDOWSKI
The potential role of foreign capital in development
of Sub-Saharan Africa ......................................................... 155
IZABELA ŁĘCKA
Small and medium-sized Enterprises (SMEs)
from the Perspective of the Economist Intelligence Unit.
Education as a chance for the development
of the creative sector in Africa .............................................. 169
KENNEDY JAIRO KIBONA & B. SHILLA
A Role of Saving in Solving the Problem of Capital
among SMEs. A case Study of SMEs in Iringa Municipality . . 189
Conclusions – Maciej Ząbek ...................................................... 203

INTRODUCTION
The Tanzanian-Polish conference held at the private University
in Iringa, Tanzania, in February 2015, served as an inspiration for
this publication. Its leading theme was the idea of „sustainable
development”.
This term was firstly used in 1713 in the Treatise on the management of forests by the German scholar Hans Carl von Carlowitz1, who proved that people should cut only as many trees as the
number which could grow in the same place in a similar period
of time so that the forests would never vanish.
“Not by accident this „cutting-edge” consideration appeared
when there had already occurred an acute scarcity of timber for
the local extractive industry because trees had been clear-cut in
the neighbouring forest areas.
This is a very natural way of thinking as people resort to the idea
of „sustainable” usually in times of disasters, calamities, deficits
or ecological imbalance. Only faced with such crises do people
wonder how they could have been prevented.
In the 20th century the need to take into consideration the
principles of sustainable development was firstly emphasized by
U Thant, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, in 1969.
Finally, (first and foremost under the influence of the report of
the Club of Rome of 1972 warning about unlimited exploitation
of natural resources), the search for alternative models of devel1

H.C. von Carlowitz, Sylvicultura oeconomica..., Freiberg 1713.

8

Introduction

opment started. They became an inspiration for the birth of the
above-mentioned term introduced to the global political debate.
In 1983, the United Nations established the so-called Brundtland
Commission (named after Gro Harlem Brundtland, the chairman
of the Commission)2, which coined and defined the meaning of
the term “sustainable development” and contributed to convene
the so called Earth Summit in Rio de Janeiro3, in 1992.
Leaders from majority world countries, major United Nations
agencies and pro-ecological organizations and movements participated in this summit. They compiled a set of rules for sustainable
development, i.e. the so called Rio Declaration on Environment
and Development, and the United Nations Framework Convention
on Climate Change and Biological Biodiversity, in an attempt to
enforce this idea.
The Brundtand Commission defined the concept of „sustainable”
as „development which satisfies the needs of contemporary times,
without violating the ability of the future generations to satisfy
their own needs”. Furthermore, in the Polish translation the word
„sustainable” implicates „stability”, „renewability”, „rationality”,
„adaptation”, „temperance”, „mildness” and ”peacefulness”. In
fact, the very definition „development” is still understood as the
process of growth or development to a more and more complicated form, more intense, and more excellent. Yet, it has already
been made clear that „development” understood as the economic
growth does not translate itself automatically into the betterment
2
Its full name is as follows: World Commission on Environment and Development.
3
The next Summit was held in Johannesburg, in 2002. During the summit
principles and recommendations developed in Rio were confirmed. See: U. Grober,
From Freiberg to Rio – Hans Carl von Carlowitz “Sylvicultura Oeconomica” and
career of the term “sustainability”, in: U. Grober, Sustainability – A cultural history, Totnes, UK, 2012.

Introduction

9

of living conditions and security. Thus, it has been assumed that
in order to be secure the „development” should be „sustainable”.
Such an assumption became to be commonly perceived as not only
proper, but also natural. It is evident that no one wants to live in
a degraded, exploited and polluted environment. This philosophy
quickly crossed the frames of the sheer environmental protection.
Its core is considerably constituted by social welfare and the so
called human rights4. A lot of emphasis is placed on minimizing
“external costs” generated by economy and the co called social
justice. The problem, however, is very particular, as it is not obvious how to develop oneself and simultaneously avoid negative
effects resulting therefrom. In fact, it is sometimes very hard to
recognize potential threats on a day-to-day basis. Generally, only
after a certain period of time are we able to evaluate the real influence of defined technologies on both the environment and the
human being. Such obstacles may be exemplified by new varieties
of medicines currently coming into the market, food containing
GMOs, or any other inventions which cannot be immediately classified as safe or unsafe. A similar situation occurs in case of many
development projects executed in Africa. The root of uncertainty
as to the final results of various programmes may be also found
in scientific research conducted under the influence or commissioned by groups representing miscellaneous financial, political
or ideological interests.
In reality, academic researchers, expressing distinct opinions
on generally favoured development projects, are often subject to
political pressure. In their close environs they are frequently deIn 2002, The United Nations developed a set of challenges to be faced by
humanity in XXI century, defined as Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).
They include among others halving extreme poverty and famine, promoting gender equality, improvement of health care, environmental protection and global
partnership for development purposes.
4

10

Introduction

rided and calumniated. They are separated from the main sources
of financing and consequently, at universities where freedom of
speech should be guaranteed, a lot of scholars are forced to stay
silent. On the other hand, however, one should remember that the
very scholars are not innocent, which is nowadays highly stressed
by reflective anthropology. In fact, they hold specific political views,
they are consumed by obsessions and they mix up knowledge with
opinions. Additionally, the results of their research presented as
objective, are in fact ideologically or business-biased. This type of
controversy may be exemplified by heavily political discourse on
the so called global warming. In fact, despite climate fluctuations
being constantly documented in the whole world, according to
sceptics it is still hard to categorically define the direction of the
on-going climate changes (warming or cooling) and their significance, not to mention to prove their anthropogenic character. No
wonder that the measures undertaken with the aim to fight with
the above-mentioned global warming may cause more concern
than hope for the positive change in a situation when we face
a rather ostensible consensus enforced by political groups, which
in reality is far from unanimity5.
The idea of „sustainable development”, in view of slogans opting
for the shift in economy from competitiveness to greater solidarity,
An example of the lack of this unanimity was the so called Heidelberg
Appeal, announced before the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992, signed by 4000
scholars from all over the world including several dozens of Nobel Prize winners,
discouraging the governments from taking decisions based on pseudo-scientific
arguments or false data; see: http://www.sepp.org/heidelberg_appeal.html. The
so called ecologists found it a deceit prepared by industrial concerns. Still, since
then a lot of statements, publications and reports undermining arrangements of
the International Panel on Climate Change) have been published and the debate
on this topic between mainstream scientists and sceptics has been continued
until now. See C. Parkinson, Coming Climate Crisis? Consider the Past, Beware
the Big Fix, Plymouth UK 2010.
5

Introduction

11

cooperation and levelling inequality, was spread, as commonly
known, by the left wing. This, in turn, entails the programme of
economy requiring state and international organisations’ intervention, pro-ecologic fiscal and legal regulations, and finally the
establishment of the world government. Supporters of such changes
argue that only then is there a chance to stop the global destructive rivalry, struggles for raw materials and toxic industrial waste
export to the poor countries. Only then will the introduction of
fair trade and eradiation of the above-mentioned anthropogenic
reasons of global warming, along with the implementation of the
ideal of „sustainable development” seem plausible.
However, numerous questions which might be asked here still
lack good answers, e.g. “Who could establish such world government?” or “Whose business would this government represent?”,
“Is not the idea of „sustainable development”, by chance, used by
the West to maintain their world dominant position by lowering
economic growth in the poorer countries?”, “What does fair trade
mean?”, or “May subsidies and protectionism assumed by fair trade
be called fair?”. Many experts on sustainable development do not
ask such questions but meanwhile, countries like Poland and Tanzania, with extensive socialist experience should certainly make
the researchers of both these countries take a cautious approach
to adopting and realising unverified ideas, even so correct in their
general objectives as the idea of „sustainable development”.
Authors of this book do not relate to the above-mentioned
general problems, though in their detailed studies of certain cases
they tackle the questions provoking disputes and controversies.
Thus, I have decided to view them in a wider context so as to better comprehend their meaning. One example of such texts, falling
both into the context of struggle for ecological balance and the
above-mentioned social justice, is a paper written by a young researcher Evelyn Paraboy Kaney and her friend Katharine Farrell. It

12

Introduction

examines the Maasai in Tanzania who face problems with access to
pastureland and water for their cattle in the context of fast expansion of agriculture, which according to the authors, poses a threat
to their survival. The Maasai are forced to resign from the mobility of livestock in favour of ranch farming. The Maasai, however,
as the researchers underline, do not approve of such solutions as
mobility of livestock (connected with migratory cattle breeding) is
the key element of their identity. Hence, the authors representing
their interests put forward solutions allowing the possibility of legal
changes and state support aimed at conservation of pastureland of
the Maasai and access to water for their cattle, and even at establishment of pastoral reserves resembling national parks.
On one hand, critical analysis of this exceptionally interesting
paper allows for the ascertainment, as already proved, that migratory cattle breeding is one of the most ecological ways of using
pastureland and to a certain extent fits in the idea of sustainable
development6. On the other hand, however, it is not true that it constitutes the necessary prerequisite to maintain the Maasai identity.
The authors are not the first researchers to herald fast extinction
of the Maasai7, whereas the Maasai people set a good example of
extraordinary well-developing ethnic group. In fact, other clusters,
influenced either by western-like globalisation or Islam, faster lose
their identity in Tanzania, often to the benefit of the Maasai by
adopting their identifying patterns8. It may be also observed that
6
Numerous studies on pastoral communities confirm this fact. See, e.g.:
A.B. Smith, Pastoralism in Africa: origins and development ecology, London –
Ohio – Johanesburg 1992.
7
Amin, Mohamed, Duncan, Willetts and John, Eames, The last of the Maasai,
London, Bodley Head, 1987.
8
Examples are set by ethnic groups of the East Africa such as: Mukogodo,
Sonjo, Saleita, Lanat, Turkana, Rendille and Akie. See Lee Cronk, From Mukogodo
to Maasai. Ethnicity and Cultural Change in Kenya. Harvard, Westview Press, 2004.

Introduction

13

a lot of Maasai people no longer breed cattle for a living. They shift
to the widely understood sphere of services not only in tourism, but
also in administration and education, like Evelyn Paraboy Kaney.
Thus, neither extensive cattle breeding in its existing form nor life
in a reserve seems to be a dream of all the Maasai people. However,
in the context of confrontation with farmers and in view of scarcity
of traditional open-access resources it seems right to ask a question
whether pastoralists should continue defending their practices or
they would rather find more modern methods to defend their business? Neither nationalisation of the common-property resources,
tried during Tanzanian socialism, nor privatisation of pastureland
and ranch farming, postulated nowadays, seem to be appropriate
solutions. A better solution embracing tradition and modernity,
nomads and farmers would be the implementation of the idea of
collective society and governing the common-property resources
by local communities, pursuant to the theory of Elinor Ostrom9?
Next, in my article, I examine consequences resulting from the
inflow of refugees to certain African countries and their stay in
special refugee camps. In regions where such settlements are set
up, numerous conflicts between the newcomers and the indigenous
people occur. Such places set a good example of emergency when
different types of deficit, devastation or ecological imbalance appear and form the basis for discourse on the sustainable development. In this context a question arises what should be done so
that the host countries could on one hand protect refugees and
on the other hand resist the negative impacts of their influx on
the whole environment, which usually happens in the regions not
prepared for welcoming such a great number of people. In other
words, how to stay loyal and faithful to the postulate of defending
Elinor, Ostrom, Governing the Commons: The Evolution of Institutions for
Collective Action, Cambridge, 2009.
9

14

Introduction

human rights and at the same time not to cause disasters violating these rights? To answer the above questions I would like to
present the thesis endorsed by UNHCR stating that the inflow of
refugees does not deepen the poverty of the host countries but
brings them benefits. Thanks to this phenomenon local economy
starts to thrive in neglected regions and the very refugee camps
become suitable areas to test new ecological technologies promoting sustainable development. Are not these arguments, however,
given mainly because of the interests of the aid organisations
whose main objective is to bring the refugees together? It seems
fairly obvious that such camps, similar to shantytowns, contradict
the idea of „sustainable”. Negative reactions of some conference
participants (who already knew this problem) to these proposals suggest that their doubts are not groundless. The authorities
of the host countries should, in line with the idea of sustainable
development, not only object to the attempt of introducing development projects (including even those pro-ecological ones) in the
vicinity of refugee camps, but not allow for setting up the camps.
This approach does not mean opposing the idea of welcoming
refugees but abandoning the idea of creating big clusters. A more
pro “sustainable” idea would be to scatter them by promoting the
so called autonomous settlement in rural and urban areas (where
refugees melt into the local communities), like in e.g. Cameroon
or Uganda. Unfortunately, UNHCR and authorities of the host
countries usually do not approve of this idea.
The mainstream anthropological studies also embrace issues
connected with the use of the so called indigenous knowledge10
The term, in the above-discussed meaning, was popularized by D. M. Warren in the 1970-s.; D.M.Warren, Comments to Paul Sillitoe’s „The Development of
Indigenous Knowledge: A new Applied Anthropology”, “Current Anthropology”,
39(2), 1998, pp. 244–245. The terms: local knowledge and folk knowledge are
synonymous.
10

Introduction

15

for the idea of sustainable development. It is defined as local or
folk knowledge on unique technologies, characteristics of various
organisms and general knowledge on environmental issues and dependence relationships, including religious beliefs. These questions
were examined in the study by Sosthenes Ruheza, who along with
his colleagues (Z.A. Mattee, E.E. Chingonikaya and Z. Kilugwe)
from the Agricultural University Sokoine from the city of Morogoro,
conducted exceptionally interesting ethno-botanic studies on the
significance of indigenous knowledge system in sustainable management and the use of forests in the Nguru Mountains. Majority
of the Nguru Mountains inhabitants, according to the authors,
believe in sacred nature of the environment they live in. Moreover,
in line with cultural heritage of these tribes, traditional customs
and beliefs help to protect nature. They include, among others,
prohibitions on intensive farming and destroying „sacred forests”
inhabited by the deceased ancestors or possessing supernatural
forces affecting people living in the close vicinity. It is a great taboo to pick up certain wild plant species or cut „sacred trees”, as
this could lead to curse, disease or death. Bans embrace killing
and eating meat of certain rare or harmless animals, which are
perceived as sacred. The researchers concluded that when people
working in local reserves have no ability to efficiently protect the
environment, religious beliefs of indigenous people should not
only be taken into consideration but also practically used in the
sustainable management of the local natural resources. Indigenous
people believe that God created all living creatures and a man does
owe him due respect. It raises hope that thanks to their faith it is
possible to save the biodiversity of the local environment. Recommending this article I wish the authors had extended their studies
and included additional presentations on bio-prospecting, i.e. the
use of local wild plants. Nowadays, bio-prospecting belongs to the
leading faculties of the applied anthropology covering studies of

16

Introduction

indigenous knowledge system in search of useful components of
living organisms to be used in pharmaceutical industry11.
Already mentioned controversies over global climate changes
constitute the central theme of the next article, written by Jerzy
Gilarowski. It is one of the most crucial subjects in the studies of
„sustainable development”, whose most enthusiastic supporters
have since long favoured the reduction of carbon dioxide emission and decarbonisation of economies as the main drivers of
global warming. The author refers to this theory and analyses the
increase of average temperatures over the last 150 years, without
overcomplicating, however, anthropogenic nature of the reasons.
Instead, he highlights the scope of global warming symptoms occurring in the natural environment, asking the question whether,
as many scholars argue, global warming is in fact lower in equatorial regions than in temperate and polar climates. Research which
he conducted aimed to explain this issue at least in the context of
Tanzania, located in equatorial region. Students, their parents and
grandparents were to answer a set of questions regarding changes
taking place in their closest environment over the last 30 years.
The results confirmed the author’s doubts as ¾ of respondents
actually observed negative changes in their environs, mainly with
regard to climate and soil fertility. According to the author, environmental changes are likely to occur in the future so he warns that
Tanzania will have to adjust to them its agriculture and system of
water management. Commenting on the above theses it should
be stressed that research regarding memory and evaluation of the
past, although very interesting indeed, should always be analysed
with some margin of error. Human memory is selective and the
See, inter alia, J.M. Finger & P. Schuler, Poor People’s Knowledge: Promoting
Intellectual Property in Developing Countries, Washington 2004; D.A. Posey, (Re)
Discorvering the Wealth of Biodiversity, Genetic Resources, and the Native Peoples
of Latin America, „Anales Nueva Epoka”, 2002, (5), pp. 37–60.
11

Introduction

17

process of recollecting the past is accompanied by emotions and
lack of distance, which results in a tendency to idealise it, in line
with the philosophy that ”life was much better in the past”. Still,
the number of respondents (250 people) and the study having been
conducted twice, prove its credibility. Obviously, as I have already
mentioned, it should be remembered that the recorded changes in
certain natural environments of Tanzania do not demonstrate that
the main reason is e.g. the emission of carbon dioxide.
The leading theme of the next article, written by Flora O. Kasumba and Robert Lukelo, is „overproduction” of higher education
graduates in Tanzania. The problem highlighted by the authors,
present in majority of the developed countries12, was until recently
hardly recognizable in the developing ones. The fact that it proceeded so fast in countries like Poland and Tanzania may come as
a surprise. It mainly stems from over-evaluation of higher general
education and underestimating the significance of various technical skills; sublimating a high school diploma as the only path to
individual career and a better life, and the same as a driver of the
country’s development. In the past it was common knowledge that
graduating from university guaranteed a highly desirable stable job
with a state employer. Nevertheless, various high schools diplomas
have become so commonplace that nowadays majority of employers opt for concrete vocational experience and qualifications rather
than general education, not to mention humanistic or economic
specialisation. The country’s development naturally depends on
highly qualified experts but they do not necessarily include thousands of graduates, who except having excessive ambitions, are
not specialists in any concrete professions. Unfortunately, in the
field of education even the slightest lack of temperance and raGermany is an exception in Europe as it develops technical faculties according to plan and intentionally limits the access of youth to higher education.
12

18

Introduction

tionality leads to crisis calling for the the philosophy of sustainable
development. In this context, the authors show the situation in
Tanzania where, similarly to Poland after liberalisation of higher
education in the 1990-s, the number of high schools and their
graduates have been on the increase. The alumni, however, have
problems in finding the desirable job. Flora O. Kasumba and Robert
Lukelo blame cultural factors and mismatch of school curriculums
to the job market requirements. Alumni do not want to be selfemployed mainly because they lack the required qualifications, not
to mention financial capacities. Thus, they strive to find positions
in state-owned companies. Symbolic expression of their lot is the
photo presenting 10 000 alumni gathered at the state stadium
in Dar es-Salam in search of 70 vacancies. The authors wonder
what they should do in this situation. What goals are achievable
for them and how can they be reached? They raise an issue of
social threats caused by millions of unemployed young people.
They pinpoint the need of changes in the higher education sector
and its sustainable development directed at introduction of new
faculties and specialised skills (foreign languages, technical skills,
team-work, problem solution, creativity and innovativeness). They
also underline the possibilities of self-employment of alumni in
agriculture, fishery, tourism and the use of other natural resources
that Tanzania abounds in. Additionally, they highlight unused business potential in Tanzania mainly in the production of local goods
and show how to accomplish these ideas by the alumni, with the
help of their families and the state.
Next article raises the issue of development assistance extended
by the Catholic Church to the marginalized inhabitants of the
Northern Cameroon in the context of their evangelization. The
author, Fr. Jarosław Różański, does not refer, like the others in
this volume, to the idea of „sustainable development”. Instead,
he indicates the term of „human promotion” already recalled by

Introduction

19

the Pope Paul VI and referred to in the documents of the Second Vatican Council emphasizing that the term “human promotion”, which like the “secular” sustainable development is much
broader than “progress” generally understood as technological or
economic13. This concept entails Christian development which
does not only aim to achieve higher economic growth but implies
integral development of humanity, raising the standard of living
and improving the overall human condition, not to the detriment
of our environment.
This standpoint, in line with the leading idea of this volume,
was particularly emphasised by the Pope Francis in this year
encyclical Laudato Sii’ („Praise be to you”)14, which thus far was
the loudest attempt to attract attention to the problem of the
degradation of environment caused, among others, by energetics
of hard coal. Fr. Jarosław Różański underlines concrete development and charitable activities of the missionaries in the Northern
Cameroon. Development aid encompasses the introduction of
new crops, raising the living standards, building latrines, acquiring skills of housekeeping and money management, reforestation
and prevention of desertification. Charity embraces: taking care
of the poor families, “street children”, the displaced, the physically
and mentally disabled and help in natural disasters. Moreover,
integrity of development with evangelization assumes supporting local cultures by codification of grammatical rules of the local
13
Pope Paul VI expressed his opinion on this topic in apostolic exhortation
Evangelii nuntiandii. The term refers to the higher theological argumentation
presenting a man as chosen by God and affirming his special role in the creation
and assumption that evangelization and human promotion, i.e. development
and liberation are interlinked. See: J. Różański, Misje a promocja ludzka, Warsaw
2001, p. 25.
14
The name of the Encyclical refers to the prayer by the Saint Francis of Assisi
Canticle of the Sun or the Praise of the Creatures, Cracow 2005, p. 348.

20

Introduction

languages, implementation of the alphabet and publications in the
local languages along with establishing reputable catholic schools.
The last three articles are devoted to the economic context of the
discussed issue. They directly or indirectly regard the so called “sustainable business” or “corporate social responsibility”. The terms
embrace a certain philosophy being a response to challenges of the
idea of sustainable development15. It is also defined as responsible
entrepreneurship searching for synergy among people, earth and
profits; business, which in a long run, apart from environmental
and social benefits, is to guarantee a long-term increase in the value
of enterprises. It is assumed that taking the lead by entrepreneurs
in sustainable business will contribute to growing attractiveness,
competitiveness and credibility of their businesses. On the whole,
the main goal is to enhance the business performance, i.e. undertake voluntary commitments in favour of natural environment and
local communities, and reduce negative phenomena. Whereas, in
reality the so called small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs),
referred to in above-mentioned articles, can boast about better
performance than big business organizations as far as principles
of sustainable business are concerned.
One of the final papers, written by Ryszard Piasecki and Janusz
Gudowski, commences with the elaboration of the theory of the
so called Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from the most advanced
economies in Sub-Saharan Africa, assuming that such investments
constitute the domain of the most powerful companies in the
world. Competitive advantage of these multinational enterprises
in the technical and organisational fields allows for their active
business operations in the chosen countries. Meanwhile, we can
observe an increasing investment activity of small and mediumOECD, Corporate Social Responsibility. Partners for Progress, Organization
for Economic Co-operation and Development, Paris, 2001
15

Introduction

21

sized enterprises from the so called emerging economies from Asia,
South America and Eastern Europe. It contradicts the theory and
puzzles the economists dealing with these issues. Authors do not
completely solve the mystery, postulating further research. They
present, however, determinants and tendencies regarding the inflow
of direct foreign investment to Sub-Saharan Africa (signalizing
favourable factors and arising threats), and also list examples of
Polish investments which have taken place in these markets until
now. It seems that small and medium-sized enterprises, coming
from emerging economies such as Poland, Turkey or India, are
likely to enjoy a better future than multinational enterprises. In
fact, they run a more sustainable business and generate lower
costs. Moreover, they are better adjusted to African conditions
(also in understanding poverty), more actively engage themselves
in everyday life of local communities, know them better and are
able to act in favour of them.
In the penultimate article by Izabella Łęcka, from the perspective of reports of Economist Intelligence Unit16, the topic of small
and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) has been enriched by educational context. Admitting that SMEs play an essential role in the
development of global economy mainly because they create most of
new workplace all over the world, the author states that nowadays
they face greater difficulties in globalised business environment.
Thus, she attempts to answer the question of how enterprises from
African countries can handle the international competition and
expansion. According to Izabella Łęcka, it may be only achieved
through the development of education and science, which has an
Economist Intelligence Unit (EIU) is a research and analysis division of
the Economist Group (international media enterprise with its registered seat in
London, specialising in providing information on international economic activity,
forecasts and offering advisory services, preparing analysis, reports and economic
forecasts). See the website of Economist Intelligence Unit, “Who we are”.
16

22

Introduction

indirect relationship with the increase of economic innovativeness.
Nonetheless, the key factor of growth is the development of human
capital and investment in science, which can be best exemplified
by Asian countries which Africa should follow. In conclusions, the
author underlines that there is an absolute necessity to develop
small and medium-sized enterprises in African countries taking
into consideration the increasing number of youth entering reproductive age. These nations should make every effort to create not
only the most friendly business environment but also enhance the
educational level of young citizens. This latest postulate stressing
the importance of quantitative over qualitative factor seems to be
of great significance as it harmonizes with the idea of sustainable
development and theses already enunciated by Flora Kasumba
and Robert Lukelo on overproduction of alumni in Tanzania, who
neither create nor find jobs there.
The volume ends with an interesting article by Kennedy Kibona
and Benedict Shilla who conducted the study in Iringa Municipality
aiming to assess the importance of saving as one of capital sources
for SMEs in Tanzania. The researchers focused on the saving possibilities of owners and managers of such enterprises as these
very savings constitute the main source of financing their further
business activity. Their study showed that in Tanzania people aged
between 26–31 years have accumulated the greatest amounts
of savings. These people live in cities and have not set up their
families yet or their families are very small (3–4 members). Such
entrepreneurs are able to save daily the amount ranging from 10 to
20 thousand shillings (i.e. from 20 to 40 Polish zloty), which in
local conditions constitutes the most in the group of SMEs owners.
Age, place of living and a number of dependent family members
are of key importance. It occurs that education does not play here
a major role (most of these entrepreneurs do not have higher education). Similarly, gender, ethnicity and religion (although majority

Introduction

23

are Christians) do not matter. The authors prove, however, that
crucial in further development of SMEs in Tanzania will be the
access to seed capital and educational development. Thus, they
postulate to follow the American pattern based on cheap crediting
which should be supported by state. It means that the influence
of global model of free market American capitalism is more and
more commonplace in certain social processes, which leads to the
dissolution of traditional family even so strong as the African one.
It is tantamount to the following appeal: borrow money from the
bank, insure yourself, break relations with your family and have
fewer children. Only then will you be „happier”. Following this path
will certainly result in a lower birth rate. Yet, is it still sustainable?
To sum up, I would like to stress that the presented topics encompass only symbolic fragments of a vast array of issues regarding
the idea of sustainable development. Its diversity, exemplified by
this volume, proves the complexity and extent of the subject matter. Please note that as an editor I neither changed nor interfered
with the forms and structures of the published papers. I presented
them in a specific order, in line with the subject area outlined in
this introductory section.
Maciej Ząbek

Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

MOBILITY AS A PASTORALISTS’
SURVIVAL TECHNIQUE
Abstract
This paper reports the preliminary results of an empirical study of
farmers-pastoralists conflicts in Mbarali District in the Southern Highlands
of Tanzania. The results are based on a combination of literature review
and semi-structured interviews conducted with pastoralists in the villages
of Matebete and Mwanavala. Studies of farmers-pastoralists conflicts are
usually presented from the farmers’ perspective. In this study I explore
the conflict from the pastoralists’ perspective, with the aim of finding
ways to reduce conflicts among the farmers and pastoralists in the two
case study villages of Matebete and Mwanavala, and to provide examples
of how it may be possible to make laws for Tanzania that will allow the
two groups to live in peace and harmony while sharing scarce resources.
Conflict in Mbarali District has been increasing at an alarming rate over
the past ten years with acts of violence against pastoralists and their
Evelyn Paraboy Kaney – Master of Business Administration (MBA)
in Management at the University of Mary in Fargo, North Dakota, United
States of America. She is currently working for the Henry Jackson Foundation Medical Research International/Walter Reed Program as an Office
Manager at Mbeya, Tanzania. Her research interests are economics of
pastoralists and impact on the lives of pastoralists and others who are
living in the rural areas of Tanzania.
Katharine Nora Farrell – PhD is an Ecological Economist and
Political Theorist. Senior Researcher and Assistant Lecturer, Chair of
Resource Economics, Humboldt University of Berlin.

26

Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

cattle becoming increasingly common. At first glance, this appears to be
caused mainly by a scarcity of water associated with the drying up of the
Great Ruaha River and Chimala River. However, we hypothesize, that
a combination of increased rice farming activities and associated policies
restricting the mobility of livestock are also contributing to the conflict.
Where earlier practices included loose rules for informal shared land
use, today, each village in the region is expected to have enough land
and other resources to sustain its own livestock. Movement of livestock
between villages is prohibited. In my study I explore how prohibiting the
pastoralists to graze as they did before may be increasing the negative
impacts that arise for both farmers and pastoralists and ask what land
use rights would be fair and correct from the pastoralists’ perspective.
Pastoralists started to settle in Mbarali District in 1952 and lived in the
region for many years without conflict. My results suggest that progressive increases in the amount of land being used for rice cultivation, with
the Kapunga Rice Project, Mbarali Estate and Madibira Rice Estates
have changed the relationship between pastoralists and farmers. Before
expansion, livestock drank water from the same rivers and crossed the
same villages without conflicts. Today, many farms are found along the
way to the river and pastoralists are charged both to take their cattle to
feed on the residue of these farms and to access the river. Bringing cattle to feed on farm residue was previously viewed as a service. Today’s
changed land use obliges pastoralists to move their livestock across these
farms to access water.
Key words: Maasai, pastoralists, farmers, cattle, access to water,
mobility, conflict

Introduction
In recent years there has been great fear among the village
pastoralists of the Mbarali District in Mbeya Region of Tanzania
over government policies that do not favour pastoralists, which led
to the eviction of pastoralists in the Mbarali District in 2006 and
2007. Both, the pastoralist inhabitants of Matebete and Mwanavala
villages see these recent evictions as a threat to existence of pas-

MOBILITY AS A PASTORALISTS’ SURVIVAL TECHNIQUE

27

toralism in the district. The evictions have come along with other
changes that are being observed by pastoralists, such as massive
increases in the farmed area in Mbarali District, expansion of the
boundaries of the Ruaha National Park and prolonged droughts
that have affected wet areas of Malenga Makali, Mapangala and
Msanga. The use of grazing land in Msanga, Malenga Makali and
Mapangala is more traditional, with the wet land being used for
dry season pasture. Once pasture from these wards is exhausted,
cattle are forced to move to the neighbouring villages to search for
pasture and water. Pastoralists are obliged to pay farmers for the
use of this land and there are violent conflicts occurring regularly
as pastoralists try to use land without paying, and farmers try to
demand payment for the use of land that was traditionally used
by the pastoralists. Conflict is increasing in the region between
pastoralists and farmers, the livelihood of Matebete village is
threatened and Mwanavala will be threatened soon too.
The study presented here aims to gain insight into what is
causing the conflict and to identify ways in which the situation
might be changed, in order for the pastoralists to continue living
in the region in peace. The primary research was conducted by
the first author in 2013 and 2014 in Mbarali, Mbeya. Structured
and semi-structured interviews were carried out with pastoralists
still living in the region, following the 2006 evictions and lands
in the region were viewed. All interviews were conducted in Maa
or Swahili. The decision to interview only pastoralists, not farmers, was made in an effort to shed light on this underrepresented
perspective on the conflict. We agree that farmers have rights
too and are not trying to be unfair. The economy of the farmers
is well understood but that of the pastoralists is not. In addition,
this is active violent conflict, in which pastoralists are treated as
second class citizens and for her own safety the first author, who
is Maasai, cannot go around asking these questions to the farmers

28

Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

and officials. Had the environment been a peaceful one, we would
have asked all three groups the same questions.
In an effort to develop a better understanding of the pastoralist perspective on these conflicts, this study compares how the
Mbarali evictions, the other changes and the current conflict are
being experienced by pastoralists in the two villages of Matebete
and Mwanavala. While they are similar in many ways, the people
of Matebete have a title deed to the land of their village, whereas
the people of Mwanavala do not. By focusing on the pastoralist
perspective in these two villages, the study provides insight into the
role and importance of possessing a title deed for the pastoralists.
Matebete pastoralists were given a title deed for them to have
permanent settlements and have a place for them to graze their
cattle. It is crucial to point out that pastoralists had water for the
cattle that flowed on the Msanga River until late September. Pastoralists’ survival was possible because of mobility. Grazing beyond
the ranch during dry season was previously possible. Livestock
moved to open lands outside the ranch. Over the past 20 years in
the ranch and the lands around it many things have happened; open
lands that were used by the pastoralists have been converted to rice
farms piece by piece since the 1990-s. Many cattle are living in the
ranch; the number is estimated to be more than 4,000 livestock.
Conflict in Mbarali District has been increasing at an alarming
rate over the past ten years with acts of violence against pastoralists
and their cattle becoming increasingly common. At first glance,
this appears to be caused mainly by a scarcity of water associated
with the drying up of the Great Ruaha River and Chimala River.
However, I hypothesize that a combination of increased rice farming
activities and associated policies restricting the mobility of livestock are also contributing to the conflict. Movement of livestock
between villages in Mbeya is prohibited. In my study I explore
how prohibiting the pastoralists to graze, as they did before, may

MOBILITY AS A PASTORALISTS’ SURVIVAL TECHNIQUE

29

be increasing the negative impacts that arise for both farmers and
pastoralists and ask what land use rights would be fair and correct
from the pastoralists’ perspective.

Background of the Case
Pastoralists started to settle in Mbarali District in 1952 and
lived in the region for many years without conflict.
Matebete pastoralists are currently facing conflicts with the
farmers. The farmers grow rice during the rainy season. During
the dry season they plant gardens along the Chimala River, a major
source of water in the area. Different crops are planted such as
tomatoes, vegetables and corn. Small irrigation channels are built
for watering such gardens. When the livestock crosses the irrigation
channels or steps into the gardens, farmers demand payments for
destroying infrastructure (irrigation channels) or crops. The introduction of large irrigation channels for intensive rice production
has created an opportunity for farmers to take water from these
large channels into small channels that they can use to cultivate
land in the dry season.
During the field research for this study, a key difference between Mwanavala village and Matebete village was observed:
farmers near Matebete village, Igumbilo, Ihahi and Kibaoni
villages farm throughout the year near the river. Currently,
there is no farming in Mwanavala village during the dry season.
However, there is an irrigation channel that is being built under
a joint venture with the government and the citizens of Rujewa,
Ubaruku and Mwanavala itself. The irrigation channel is being
built to solve the water problems affecting farmers in the area
especially since the investor is not giving water to small farmers anymore. The government will contribute 80%, while the
citizens will contribute 20%. I passed through their office called

30

Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

Mwenda Mtitu Irrigation Cooperative. The irrigation project is
called Mwenda Mtitu. After the completion of Mwenda Mtitu
project, all farms that are not farmed will be farmed when there
is water. Mwanavala pastoralists will also be in frequent clashes
with the farmers in the area as gardens will be all over the place
in the dry season. One thing that we know for sure is that livestock would never feed on dry grass or farm residue, while they
can see green crops from a distance.
In Mwanavala most of the conflicts are with the rangers at
the Ruaha National Park. A similar problem will be evolving in
Mwanavala once the irrigation scheme is built and fully operating.
Farming throughout the year will be also carried out in Mwanavala.
As a result, pastoralists in Mwanavala will face the same problem
that pastoralists in Matebete village are facing.
Where earlier practices included loose rules for informal shared
land use, today each village in the region is expected to have
enough land and other resources to sustain its own livestock. In
Mbeya, Matebete is the only pastoralists’ village with its own title
deed. There are three big rice farms, one owned by small scale
farmers, second by an investor in a district and the third largest
farm is co-owned by South African and Indian investors. These
farms are located in a place where Maasai used to take cattle in the
dry season and if they are caught there now, they must pay a heavy
fine. In the surrounding areas small holding farmers are also growing rice in the wet season and vegetable in the dry season. These
lands are also suitable for grazing but are now used for agriculture
in the dry season thanks to irrigation. In 2006 government passed
national livestock policy intending to get Maasai to settle down.
But in dry season people have to move. If they move out to get
water for cattle, then farmers demand money. But elsewhere in the
northern parts like Arusha there have been many evictions going
on, due to land being set aside for different investors.

MOBILITY AS A PASTORALISTS’ SURVIVAL TECHNIQUE

31

1. Mbeya Region, Tanzania, Ihefu: Photo:Adam Mwarabu

Fig. 1: Africa Map and the Villages of Matebete and Mwanavala – Google Earth
2013

32

Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

Fig. 2: The map of Mbeya – credit to Howard Stein in 2014

There are many changes that are affecting pastoralists now.
In the past, pastoralists who were living in Matebete village used to
take their cattle to Kapunga where the rice project is now located
in plains like Lwanjili and many others. All those places have now
been turned into agricultural land leaving little room for their cattle.
The neighbouring villages, where we are taking our cattle for
grazing now, were used for 1 or 2 months, a few months prior to
the beginning of the rain season.
The village of Matebete is in conflict with 1, 400 farmers who
filed a case, case No. 17 of 2008, against pastoralists at the High
Court Land Division in Mbeya. The farmers are claiming that they
have rights to Matebete land. The case is still heard in the high court
and is being conducted in Kiswahili and most of the documentation
of the hearing is done in English. The Maasai could not follow.

MOBILITY AS A PASTORALISTS’ SURVIVAL TECHNIQUE

33

Therefore, they decided to hire a lawyer. The farmers’ big interest
in Matebete village is timber, firewood and land for growing corn.
Originally, in areas surrounding Matebete pastoralists have agreed
to exchange resources during dry season; farmers were allowed to
collect dry firewood in Matebete area and pastoralists graze their
livestock on fields in neighbouring farmers’ villages.
Lupindu 2007 pointed out that the future of pastoralists in Mbeya
District is uncertain. We agree with Lupindu that many factors are
contributing to the decline in Mbarali and to an overall decline
of pastoralism: for example, the decline of open lands to graze
animals. Furthermore, Fratikin 2008 argued that pastoralists’ way
of life is threatened by population growth, loss of herding land,
ranches, national parks and urban growth. The lives are severely
affected because of pressure from international development
programmes. The programmes encourage privatization and individuation of land that was communally held. I agree with Fratikin
that 50% of Mbarali District is now part of the Ruaha National
Park. Tanzania National Parks in particular have brought sufferings to pastoralists. One key factor is clear that the total amount
of land available for direct human use, for farming or pastoralism,
is now substantially reduced. At the same time, the population of
the region is increasing. The logic of the context is clear – more
people, less land, increased competition. However, even after the
loss of land to parks, which has happened again and again for
many years, there was a time when conflicts were less frequent
and now the conflicts have increased significantly. When the land,
titled and open, was sufficient for livestock and now it is not; when
informal use was allowed but now must be paid. The research
aims to shed light on these new conflicts and how they may be
resolved by asking what has changed around the pastoralists and
also within the pastoralists, to give rise to these changes. Trying
not to pay and have conflict instead of cooperation with farmers

34

Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

and park officials, the research aims to ask, what changes in the
situation could make it possible for the Maasai not to feel like they
have to do these things.

Methodology and Data
In order to explore the conflicts from the pastoralists’ perspective, literature review, the research questions and semi structured
interviews with sixteen pastoralists were undertaken. The interviews were designed to encourage deep conversation and to give
pastoralists a chance to give details of their encounters with the
farmers and how they have handled those conflicts.
First, semi structured interviews were conducted in Matebete
village and then they were carried out in Mwanavala village.
The data collected was mainly about payment to farmers,
whether agreements existed for those payments, the distance
that farmers had to cover to get water for their animals in the dry
season, right of pastoralists to access land, water and farm residue
during the dry season.
We chose to collect data by reading first what other scholars,
who have researched and written about pastoral-farmers conflicts,
had to say. While reading, I realized that the pastoral voice was
actually missing in all the literature. That is the reason why the
focus was given to the pastoralists only. They were the ones who
were interviewed.
Pastoralists are good at telling stories as theirs is an oral culture, so we kept the interview format as open as possible to create
space for them to tell us about their experiences relating to grazing and the payments they are required to make to the farmers.
Based on a combination of the original semi-structured interview
questions, which are included in Appendix A, and the responses
that were received during the interviewing sessions, six interview

MOBILITY AS A PASTORALISTS’ SURVIVAL TECHNIQUE

35

topic Areas were identified, which have been used to code and
process the interview data:
Terms of grazing use agreements
1. When pastoralists cross their land and enter into other villages
to graze their livestock, there are payments that farmers demand
especially during the dry season
2. Pastoralists and farmers also enter into informal agreements
at the beginning of the dry season for pastoralists to graze on
farmers’ land
3. Title deed – it is a form of grazing use agreement that ensures
rights to graze on the land for which the pastoralists holds a title
Reciprocity – Fairness
1. Refers to how the society exchanged natural resources such as
firewood, crop residue and fertilizers
2. Mutual benefits between the pastoralists and farmer communities
Access to water
1. In the dry season pastoralists are forced to move from their
land to Chimala and Ruaha rivers for livestock to drink water
2. There are streams and seasonal rivers allowing pastoralists to
have water in their communities
3. Wells at Mwanavala – the wells are used by Sukuma and Sangu
pastoralists. The pastoralists at Mwanavala, whose livestock is
currently using the Ruaha river, are afraid that one day they
will also find themselves in the same situation
Land use change
1. Rice farming is increasing at a rapid pace in Mbarali District.
Land that was formerly used for grazing is now used for rice
farming leaving little room for pastoralists’ livestock to graze.
Apparently, both villages are close to the heavily irrigated rice

36

Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

farms. Matebete village is approximately 14 kilometres from the
Kapunga rice farm while Mwanavala village is approximately
20 kilometres from Mbarali Estate rice farm.
2. National Parks expansion has been also expanded into pastoral lands by the United Republic of Tanzania under Tanzania
national parks umbrella
Mobility
1. Mobility is central to pastoralism; if there is no mobility the pastoralists’ ways of life is also under threat and will likely disappear
2. Pastoralists have used mobility as a technique to preserve the
environment and take advantage of the dry lands
Identity and politics
1. There is an argument at the national level that pastoralists destroy the environment with their herds by causing overgrazing
and improper water falls to the great Ruaha River
2. Pastoralists identify themselves with herds of cattle. Cattle act
as investment, security and a symbol of status in the society
Table 1: Summary of General Profile of Interview Respondents
(Some households were without a male head. 8 people were interviewed in Matebete village)
Overview of Respondents
female respondents
male respondents
household headed by a husband or brother
household headed by a son

3
5
7
1

Matabete
1
7
6
2

Mwanavala

average # of children
modal # of wives
average # cows
average # cows per person in household

5
(6 of the 8) 1
77
10

5
(7 of the 8) 1
67
10

MOBILITY AS A PASTORALISTS’ SURVIVAL TECHNIQUE

37

Although the number of wives in the interview group is almost
always 1, this is not the Maasai tradition. In many cases these
one wife households had a second wife before but she had left.
Maasai family has several wives, traditionally, and in the old days
a man did not simply let a wife leave, but at the moment, if the
man cannot support the woman and her children, he must let her
leave if she can find a better place to live. The very low number
of wives per household in these two villages is a clear indication
that the communities are under survival threat.

Results
Currently Matebete village has 2 dams that were constructed
for livestock to use during the dry season but none of them has
ever worked.

2. One of the dams at Matebete village. Photo: Evelyn P. Kaney

38

Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

3. Wells used as a source of water for livestock and human beings at Mwanavala
village. Photo: Evelyn P. Kaney

The responses from the pastoralists interviewed in the two villages can be analysed as follows:
Table 2: Analysis of Interview Responses. Selection of Typical Comments
from Matebete Terms of Grazing Use Agreements
Interview
Topic Areas

# and force Respondents’ # and force of Respondents’
Concern – Matebete
Concern – Mwanavala

Terms of Grazing 6 out of 8
Use Agreements (61 statements)
46% of total
Reciprocity
4 out of 8
– Fairness
(19 statements)
14% of total
Access to Water 6 out of 8
(13 statements)
10% of total

6 out of 9
(7 statements)
9% of total
8 out of 9
(26 statements)
34% of total
8 out of 9
(17 statements)
22% of total

MOBILITY AS A PASTORALISTS’ SURVIVAL TECHNIQUE
Land Use Change 8 out of 8
(14 statements)
10% of total
Mobility
4 out of 8
(12 statements)
9% of total
Identity
6 out of 8
and Politics
(15 statements)
11% of total

39

5 out of 9
(10 statements)
13% of total
2 out of 9
(2 statements)
3% of total
7 out of 9
(14 statements)
18% of total

We had not paid anything to the farmers until we chased the
farmers away in our land. When they were chased away they were
growing maize and groundnuts in our land. That was the time when
they decided to turn us into a project that generates income. We
decided that each group should stay on its land. That was also the
time when the language of paying for using others’ land emerged.
Access to Water
We need reliable water dams in our area now so that we do
not fight with farmers.
Land Use Change
There are many changes that are affecting pastoralist now. In
the past, we used to take our cattle to the Kapunga where the rice
project now is located and in plains like Lwanjili and many others. All those places have now been turned into agricultural land
leaving little room for our cattle.
Pastoralists pay farmers for using the land now. They make
agreements with farmers and pay them a certain amount that both
sides agree on. Payments differ from one pastoralist to another.
Ideally, all payments depend on the agreements between them
and farmers. There are no permanent agreements, only seasonal
ones; for example from July to November.
The interviewed pastoralists know the importance of the title.
For example, Matebete pastoralists realize that the title that they
have protected them from the Ihefu operation in 2006/2007 and

40

Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

from Storm Evictions planned that took place from October 3 to
November, 2013. Although the pastoralists in Mwanavala do not
have a title deed, they understand benefits of the title very well.
It protected pastoralists against evictions that have been going
on in Mbarali District. Although the title deed acted as a shield
to pastoralists against evictions, the titled area does not have the
entire infrastructure to support the livestock so they do not cross
borders. The title deed, as it was pointed out by people interviewed
in Matebete, is a shield for the pastoralists against eviction. The
operation that took place in Ihefu within the same district of
Mbarali could have also affected the pastoralists in Matebete if
they had not had a title.
Respondents stated that they believe livestock should have
access to feed on the farm waste because then livestock becomes
healthy, grows and multiplies.
Lack of the right to use the land will cause movements from one
area to another, lack of permanent settlement, lack of education
and important social needs.
The advantage for pastoralists to have a right to use the land
is that it gives them profits when they sell the livestock or crops.
Pastoralists can also build houses, schools, worship centres and
other important infrastructure such as the dams. Having a right
to use land makes pastoralists economically well-off.
One respondent said “I blame the government for dividing us.
Boundaries have been placed between us, our product is livestock.
When they say you should not go here, then it is difficult. The
government is causing a fight because the farm does not move.
The farmer was the first one to settle on water sources and on
farms.” The farmers have farms on dry lands as they grow gardens
during the dry season and have farms during the rainy season.
If the pastoralists had land and plenty of water, they would not
be fighting with their neighbours. Interviewees reported that in

MOBILITY AS A PASTORALISTS’ SURVIVAL TECHNIQUE

41

October 2013, during a traditional ceremony when young boys
were circumcised, and cows are usually slaughtered, it occurred
that cattle large intestine was actually black. They believe this is
because the animals were feeding themselves on the remaining
burned residues.
The farmers in villages surrounding Matebete came up with
a language from the district that animals from one village should
not be crossing over to other villages without permission. In October
2013, a few days following my interviews in Matebete, pastoralists who were living with their cattle in Igumbilo had to vacate
Igumbilo immediately as there was an operation from the district.
In Mwanavala we asked the people whether some farmers burn
the residue after harvesting. The response was that very few farmers burn the farm residue.
Progressive increases in the amount of land being used for rice
cultivation, with the Kapunga Rice Project, Mbarali Estate and
Madibira Rice Estates, have changed the relationship between
pastoralists and farmers. I toured the Mbarali Estate in February
2013, with a group of researchers from the U.S, Denmark and
Tanzania. My role was to only assist with language interpretation. I saw firsthand projects carried at Mbarali Estate. There was
a chicken project, dairy project, a bakery, bottled underground
water called Ihefu water and a store.
The Mbarali Estate owner has prevented any water from going
to any village or farmers around his farm. The relationship with
the community that he lives in is seriously compromised. On Friday, December 6 on my way from Mwanavala village I saw a Land
Cruiser that had full lights during day light. The car was speeding
too. Perhaps, it was going 120 kilometres per hour. At first glance,
I thought it was an ambulance going to pick up a sick person. But
there were no sirens on the vehicle. I asked the taxi driver who was
driving us what was wrong with the vehicle and what was happen-

42

Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

ing? He told me that the vehicle belonged to Mbarali estate Chief
Executive Officer. The driver pointed out that perhaps he went to
pray at a Mosque in Rujewa town. He used to attend a mosque in
Ubaruku town, the township near the farm. The driver went on to
say he can no longer go to that mosque, nor pass along that route.
I became more curious as to why he cannot set his foot in Ubaruku
anymore. The driver mentioned that when the young CEO closed all
water so that it does not go to the farms around him, the citizens of
Ubaruku organized themselves and took their anger to the streets
and eventually to the estate. They vandalized the buildings and
distributed chickens that the investor was raising.
The main reason for over-speeding and avoiding to set his foot
in Ubaruku town is fear. He fears that his car will be stoned or logs
and nails might be placed on his way. The driver went on to say
that sometimes when the conflict gets intense, the investor gets
on the helicopter and goes to Dar and comes back when things
are cooler. The police were called to respond to the unrest at the
Mbarali Estate.
4 out of 16 people interviewed in both Matebete and Mwanavala
agreed to reduce the herd size if they were guaranteed the right to
use land. Only men agreed to reduce the cattle, not women. The
larger the herd, the more status one has in the pastoral society. Livestock serves many functions. It is used to pay dowry for the bride,
to settle down payments such as when someone kills somebody.
One pays cattle according to the identified body joints. Livestock
is also used to treat sicknesses and when women give birth.
Pastoralists in Matebete village worked for 5–7 kilometres for
livestock to drink water while the pastoralists in Mwanavala village
worked their animals for 8.5 kilometres. They work that distance
due to lack of water and grass.
Before expansion, livestock drank water from the same rivers
and crossed the same villages without conflicts. Today, many farms

MOBILITY AS A PASTORALISTS’ SURVIVAL TECHNIQUE

43

are found along the way to the river and pastoralists are charged
both to take their cattle to feed on the residue of these farms and
to access the river. Bringing cattle to feed on farm residue was
previously viewed as a service. Today’s changed land use obliges
pastoralists to move their livestock across these farms to access
water. This fosters mistrust, resentment and conflict. Our interview
results show a strong degree of frustration among pastoralists that
the current situation is not properly recognised as one of mutual
benefit – that there is no fairness and no reciprocity in the demands
for payments. Instead, farmers and rangers are taking advantage
of the opportunity to demand exploitative rent for use of the land,
even just to cross the land to reach the water, or to use the water
from the river, with pastoralists paying up to 250, 000 Tanzanian
Shillings, equivalent to 156 United States dollars, for access to the
river and farm residues and fines of up to 12,000,000 Tanzanian
Shillings to rangers for crossing into the national park across
boundaries that have not been made public.

Discussion
The research reported upon here has been guided by a set
of eight specific research questions, which are used to structure
the following discussion. These questions were developed based
on a combination of reference to literature concerning relations
between pastoralists and settled communities in east Africa, the
author’s familiarity with the particular details of the Mbarali District conflict, and a series of preliminary field studies designed
to help specify the research questions for this particular study of
the conflict.
1. How is prohibiting the pastoralists to graze, as they did before
the expansion of rice farms settlements, increasing the negative
impacts that arise from pastoralists’ grazing?

44

Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

– This is a tool that is being used to completely destroy the
traditional way of grazing cattle
– Pastoralists are now seen as a rebellious group, hence more
tension with the farmers
2. What are land rights that would be fair and correct, that would
allow the pastoralists to continue to live in Mbeya without
conflicts?
– Allowing them to graze in the farms after harvest free of
charge, crop residue is important for the animals especially
during the dry season
– Payments to use the land and access water in the dry season
should be abolished
3. How would making clear the needs of the pastoralists help in
the process of achieving peace between them and the farmers?
– Pastoralists like any other Tanzanians need land for grazing
as they depend on livestock for survival. Land should be set
aside in each village that pastoralists reside. The land should
have clear boundaries. It should not be an open land which
can be easily taken by the village government or entered by
farmers for agriculture
– The United Republic of Tanzania has set aside 40.5% of its
land for wild animals and other conservations, it should also
set aside land for pastoralists
4. Why do the Maasai pay farmers for access to land?
– Pastoralists pay farmers for access to land so that their livestock can survive. At the moment this is the only survival
technique as it is difficult to watch the animals die if they
stay in the Matebete-Madungulu ranch where it is very dry
and there is no water
– The orders from above, central government, require each
village to have livestock that it can handle. The farmers are
standing on those orders; if such orders were not from there,

MOBILITY AS A PASTORALISTS’ SURVIVAL TECHNIQUE

45

pastoralists would not have cared for them, either. In a way,
they are afraid to break the law.
5. What are the costs and benefits to the pastoralists of these
payments?
– The costs are many to the pastoralists since there is no
single place that they can recover the costs associated
with paying farmers. The costs add up quickly for a year.
A pastoralist might find himself paying up to 5,000,000
million per year
– The benefit is that at least cattle are not left alone to die
in the dry season. Although many pastoralists would not
consider this a benefit. They would describe this as a means
of putting ones head above the water so that they do not
drown in dangerous waters
6. What are the costs and benefits to the farmers?
– Farmers earn money that eventually helps them in the next
farming season
– The infrastructure such as the irrigation channels are repaired
by pastoralists. Sometimes the farmers ask pastoralists to
contribute for classrooms, building materials such as cement,
sand etc.
– The only cost to the farmers is that the resources are not
shared equally. That is, most farmers do not get a share of
the pastoralists’ contributions for using the land. These are
only the leaders in the farming community who benefit the
most, unless the farmers land is directly consumed
7. Could the pastoralists meet their mobility needs without using
this land?
– Currently, the pastoralists could not meet their mobility
needs without using this land
– The only way to meet their mobility needs without using
this land would be proper infrastructure such as the dams at

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Evelyn P. Kaney and Katharine N. Farrell

the Matebete-Madunguru ranch for livestock to use during
the dry season
8. What kind of law will be required to ensure that the pastoralists
have the mobility they need?
– A law that allows for mobility between villages in the dry
season
– Laws that are friendlier to the pastoralists are required and
should be in the national constitution. Laws that recognize
pastoralists as economic way of life for the pastoralists are
required

Conclusions
Our research suggests that conflict in the region could be reduced if the prohibition on livestock mobility between villages was
to be replaced by regulation that included fair and formal pricing
of the services that this movement provides to both pastoralists
and farmers.
Previously, the farmers farmed only in the dry season. The
situation changed cash opportunity as they can farm in the dry
season. They have access to cheap fertilizers from the pastoralists’
livestock and cheap water. The cost of letting the pastoralists graze
on farmers land has increased. The situation has turned pastoralists into the cash machine under the current system.
Farmers have a good economic reason for demanding payments.
Pastoralists cannot use land in the estates since it is private, cannot
use farmers’ land either without paying. There is opportunity cost
for the farmers at the local level. They have something to lose,
vegetables and other crops, if pastoralists were to put their animals
on the farms during the dry season. This is clearly acknowledged
that pastoralists no longer have the land to graze on. There is no
end to conflicts between farmers and pastoralists in Mbarali District.

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47

The pastoralists need to have land of their own with proper
infrastructure in place to sustain their livelihood.
References
Askew K.F., Maganga F. and Odgaard R. (2013), Of land and Legitimacy:
A Tale of Two Lawsuits, “Africa”, 83 (01), pp. 120–141.
Charnley, S. (1996), Pastoralism and demise of communal property in
Tanzania: A case from Usangu plains of Tanzania, “Cultural Survival”, 20 (1), pp. 41–44.
Fratkin, E., (2001), East African Pastoralism in Transition: Maasai, Boran,
and Rendille Cases, “African Studies Review”, vol 44, pp. 1–25.
Kachika, T., (2009). Land Grabbing in Africa: A Review of the Impacts and
the possible Policy Responses, Tanzania-Senegal.
Lupindu, A., (2007), Pastoralists in Mbeya District of Tanzania and their
perception of the national livestock policy, MSc thesis, Wageningen
University.
Moritz, M., (2002), The Demise of the Nomadic Contract: Arrangements
and Rangelands under Pressure in the Far North Cameroon: “Nomadic Peoples”,vol. 6 Issue 1.
Msuya, A.J., (2009), Analysis of Pastoralists and Farmers in Northern part
of Tanzania form land Administration perspective, bmw.
Ndaskoi, N., (2009), Pastoralism on the horns of a dilemma. A case study
of Tanzania, A Report of Consultancy Commissioned by PINGOSForum, Draft August 2009.
Shettima, A., & Tar U., (2008). Farmer-Pastoralist Conflict in West Africa:
Exploring the Causes and Consequences, “Information, Society and
Justice”, vol. 1.2, June 2008.

Maciej Ząbek

REFUGEE CAMPS IN AFRICA: SUSTAINABLE
EXISTENCE OR SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
Abstract
Refugees impose a variety of economic, environmental and security
burdens on host countries, but also embody a significant flow of resources
in the form of international humanitarian assistance, economic assets and
human capital. This article explores the challenges and opportunities for
African local communities arising from the double impact of refugees –
generated resources and security problems. It argues that the potential
benefits for the local people go beyond the burdens imposed by a mass
influx. Moreover, refugee camps become a field of competition for various developmental projects because many aid organizations work there.
It encourages the use of innovative tools and new technologies including projects supporting the idea of sustainable development. Refugee
resources and security threats potentially provide long-term gains, and,
by compelling the state to strengthen its grip on border areas, enable the
state to “harden” its presence there. However, for host states to realize
the potential of refugee resources and continue hosting refugees, they
must be assisted by appropriate humanitarian programmes.
Key words: Refugee camps, developmental projects, international
humanitarian assistance.
Maciej Ząbek – Professor, PhD in ethnology, Head of Ethnology
and Transcultural Studies at the Institute of Ethnology and Cultural
Anthropology, University of Warsaw. His fields of research are: political
anthropology and Refugee Studies. The areas of interest are: Africa and
the Middle East.

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Maciej Ząbek

1. Kakuma camp. Kenya. Photo M. Ząbek

* * *
Refugee camps in Africa resemble great villages of provisional,
primitive habitations. They are located far from the cities, intentionally isolated and not easily accessible for strangers, like leprosaria
in the past. The sight of them does not arouse associations with
development and much less with sustainable development. The
striking poverty of them causes a common belief that refugees
even deepen economic problems of the countries they enter, not
to mention the threat for the local environment. On the other
hand, however, according to the international discourse, there
are arguments supporting the statement that refugee camps1 may
constitute the source of benefits for the local communities, like in
1

K. Jacobson, The Economic Life of Refugees, Kumarian Press, Boston 2005.

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51

the works of Karen Jacobson, an American researcher of refugees.
They emphasize that the settlement of refugees in rural areas
brings benefits to the local economy as it may boost it especially
in the neglected or less urbanized areas. Actually, such examples
may be found in the wealthier countries. Whether this is the case
of the poor countries remains a problematic issue. However, such
a question should be asked because, following Robert Chambers,
the British expert on the developmental problems, all literature
concerning humanitarian aid is refugee-centred. The vast majority of refugee-related research concentrates only on them. Almost
nobody focuses on the problems which refugees constitute for
the host countries. Refugees are mentioned only in the context of
their integration with the communities in the target countries2.
Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to show the importance of
the refugee influx for the economy of the host communities and
answer the question about the resulting profit and loss balance3.
* * *
Refugee camps in Africa are created within the international
humanitarian aid in order to ensure protection and maintain lives
of refugees from the neighbouring countries, usually hit by the
armed conflicts, as well as exiles fleeing from bombings, pogroms,
massacres, famine, violence and rape.
The above mentioned aid includes two basic types: the first
type means provision of food and medicine, whereas the second
one means provision of materials and human resources necessary
2
Robert Chambers, Hidden Losers? The impact of rural refugees and refugee
programs on poorer hosts, “International Migration Review”, 1986, 20, 2: 245–63.
3
I mainly refer to the works of Robert Chambers (1989) and Karen Jacobson
(2002), devoted to the defence of opposing theses on the economic influence of
refugee camps on host communities, and my own research studies carried out
in Kenya, in Kakuma and Dedaab.

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Maciej Ząbek

to render medical, educational and safety services. Aid is provided
by in three ways: bilaterally – on the basis of international agreements, through international organizations (mainly by the High
Commissioner on Refugees of the United Nations – UNHCR) and
through the non-governmental organizations (NGOs). There are
two ways of providing such aid: the first one includes material
aid (provision of goods, specialists and services), the second one
means financial aid (provision of necessary funds for the purchase
of the above goods). Generally speaking, more than five hundred
different NGOs all over the world, acting in cooperation with and
on commission of UNHCR, are devoted to humanitarian assistance
for refugees. Refugee camps may be of different size, ranging from
2 thousand people like the Mauritanians in Senegal, to 100 thousand people or more like the camps of Sudanese in Kenya. In
practice, the huddles of refugees may be even larger because they
sometimes form clusters of camps around one humanitarian base,
like the camps around Goma in Congo which gave shelter to about
750 thousand of refugees during the 1990-s.
Shelters are typically temporary and makeshift. Almost everything in camps is unsteady. In spite of this, they may sometimes
exist 20 years or even more. Long-term wars in their home countries
prevent refugees from returning home. Even if the conflicts stop,
they have often nowhere to return to. One may also suspect that
NGOs have their vested interest in the camps’ long-term existence.
Humanitarian crises which lead to the creation of them require
prompt action. However, it may be later observed that further action slows down, as a result of which the camps continue to exist
in a state of a perpetual stopgap. The solution to the problem of
refugees is first and foremost seen in their repatriation and finally
in their resettlement to the third countries (i.e. west immigrant
countries), not in their integration, as it is not the intention of the
host countries. Thus, living conditions in the camps are not im-

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53

proved above the necessary minimum equivalent to mere survival
and prevention of epidemic outbreaks.
UNHCR, established in the form of the international refugee
regime, is responsible for the camps administration, logistics,
searching for sponsors and coordination of aid-connected activities. The organization cooperates with the host departments of
internal affairs to maintain safety of the refugees. The NGOs,
including also church organizations, are directly responsible for
executing aid operations.
A camp is created in such a way that firstly an unoccupied site
is fenced (e.g. 2–3 hectares) by means of thorny trees and barbed
wire. Then, the area is equally divided into the so called blocks
for several hundred refugees. The sections are also fenced with
thorny branches, equipped with latrines and partitioned with internal roads for the police cars, medical ambulances or transport.
After being registered, each refugee receives about 10 meters of
foil, a pole, a metal bed with a mattress and a square in size of
4 square meters where they may settle and build their shelters.
The above-mentioned shelters are constructed in various styles
typical of the residing cultures, mainly with the use of sheet metal,
old clothes and UNHCR bags. In Kenya, the Somalians erect light
constructions in the form of domed huts which are covered with
foil and UNHCR bags, while the Ethiopians form their habitations
out of clay. Such shelters are equipped with metal beds and mattresses, two pots and some old clothes. In front of the entrance
there is a fireplace to cook the dishes.
In these refugee-like “cities” people try to lead normal lives despite great difficulties. A camp becomes a place of business, cultural,
educational and sport activity. People conclude trade transactions
and cultivate craft (such as weaving, tailoring, carpentry, sheetmetal work, and shoemaking). There are stalls, marketplaces,
restaurants and bars, whore houses, workshops, slaughterhouses,

54

Maciej Ząbek

schools, sports fields, hospitals, temples of various Christian denominations, mosques and pagan holy places.
All these institutions work regularly although their economic
profitability is highly uncertain. It mainly depends on the inflow
of funds from the outside, from NGOs which employ and remunerate refugees. Thanks to this income, they are able to build their
shelters out of better materials and employ other refugees. They
can also invest in small stalls with vegetables in the market, the
tailor’s shop, the hairdresser’s or the photographic studios.
Additionally, NGOs set up special programmes called “operations
generating profits”. Primarily, they include workshops producing
regional goods which may be sold to e.g. UN representatives visiting refugee camps.
Obviously, it is not a real market. The main point is to keep
up appearances of work or maintain the sense of social usefulness among refugees. A more substantial profit is generated by
neighbours of refugee camps. Inhabitants of those close or remote
cities come to such a camp like to the city where they can buy
products and services they cannot purchase in their home areas.
Camps also attract relatively wealthy, as for the local conditions,
professional traders, dealers and owners of big herds of livestock,
and clan chiefs who can make deals there. Still, only thanks to
such an international “cash injection” this primitive camp economy
for refugees may thrive and each decision related to them, taken
even so far away as in New York, Geneva or Nairobi, has a direct
impact on it.
Refugee camps are often compared to cities4, mainly in the
meaning of a big collective of people forming a complex social
and economic structure on a relatively small territory. On the other
hand, however, they only resemble the so called “cities” being
4

M. Agier, Aux Bords du monde, les réfugiés, Flammarion, Paris 2002, s. 112.

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55

potential places where basic institutions, typical of standard cities,
perform on a primitive level, undeveloped and temporary. To that
effect, these cities contradict the common connotation of solid and
indestructible places offering facilities unavailable outside the city.
Tumult and constant movement prevail in the main streets and
marketplaces. A camp like a city has its arteries for people and
goods, its pulse and its “heartbeat”. It may be observed that people
living there show a certain kind of entrepreneurship, activity and
inclination to work. Unfortunately, for majority of camp inhabitants there is no opportunity to work. Once one enters a particular
block in the camp, one may notice that most refugees have nothing
to do. Their poverty seems to be not only of economic but also of
social and psychological nature. The great extent of their poverty
results mainly from isolation and almost entire lack of social and
professional activity.
Waiting for food occupies most of refugees’ time. Food is sometimes the only sense of existence, like a currency convertible into
everything, is the sole topic of conversations, the cause of fights
and life-and-death struggles. Food is also a source of conflicts
between refugees and locals, as refugees sometimes arrive during periods of food scarcity. In a reverse situation, however, when
there is plenty of food, it may become a perfect integration tool
between local and new communities.
* * *
Locals hardly ever perceive refugee camps in their neighbourhood as greatly beneficial. They are usually in minority as compared
with the population of refugees and often suffer greater poverty
than refugees themselves. Their only contact is during shopping
in marketplaces and main streets of the camps. They have to compete with the newcomers about work, food, place of living and
money. They are often exposed to: the threat of epidemic (prosti-

56

Maciej Ząbek

tution spreads in camps which may directly result in the epidemic
of AIDS), the risk of influx of rebels together with refugees and
potential outbreak of riots on their territories. Cases of murders
occurring through the fault of both sides fuel mutual conflicts.
Serious troubles are caused to the locals mainly by unprotected
camps (or badly protected ones) located in border regions. They
often fall victims to plunderers and various gangs, like on the Kenya
– Somalia border. Organised crime and rebels are often recruited
from young and bored men staying in camps. Moreover, together
with refugees there also come economic emigrants who try to gain
humanitarian aid appropriated for refugees. Great difficulties in
differentiating between refugees and people who personate them
cause that criminals and rebels often end up together in refugee
camps. It sometimes happens that rebels or criminal gangs take
control over the whole camp as it took place in the camps of the
Rwanda refugees in Congo. Additionally, host countries face problems with refugees who run away from camps and after entering
the cities of host countries start begging in the streets, stealing in
order to survive or arms trafficking.
Furthermore, refugees distract the local authorities’ attention from
local affairs and problems. These authorities, just as UNHCR and
NGOs often focus only on refugees. On the one hand, this seems to
be the correct approach because refugees suffer most and it is hard
not to concentrate on them and not to pay them special attention
which they certainly deserve. However, natives also demonstrate
their own needs and expectations which often go unnoticed. Officials visiting local leaders always mention the need to give refugees
a warm welcome, ignoring problems of the local community.
It also happens that locals leave the camp environs in despair
as it often comes to open tensions between one group of the poor
receiving supplies and another group of the disadvantaged who
do not. The sense of injustice among the local tribes is expressed

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57

in hostile attitude towards refugees growing in the course of time.
Besides, natural environment becomes greatly devastated around
camps. Local infrastructure is strained, mainly owing to excessive
use of roads, airports and hospitals, especially in the first period
of the camp existence.
The presence of refugees also exerts an indirect impact on the
social relations among the locals. Youth and people with initiative,
who decided to start their own business operations, become richer
and gain significantly higher status than the older generations.
Family relations between husbands and wives worsen, especially
because of flourishing prostitution and trade being taken over from
women as a more lucrative business than in the past. Accordingly,
the dominant5 thesis prevails that local communities, especially
the poorest groups, considerably lose because of the influx of the
refugees.
* * *
On the other hand, as I mentioned in the beginning, there
are arguments that international aid organized for the refugees
staying in camps helps to develop local infrastructure and finally
not only levels undesirable phenomena but also constitutes the
source of development for the local communities. Even if it does
not occur immediately after the camp ceases to exist, the infrastructure becomes accessible to the locals. Despite the fact that
majority of camp outbuilding is of temporary character, it is to
be noticed that new houses, schools and hospitals of bricks are
sprouting up in places where they have not existed before. The
level of education and medical care are on the increase and new
agricultural projects start there. Refugee camps become a field
of competition for various developmental projects because many
5

R. Chambers, op.cit.

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Maciej Ząbek

aid organizations work there. It encourages the use of innovative
tools and new technologies including projects supporting the idea
of sustainable development. It mainly refers to renewable energy,
installation of solar panels to light particular sections as well as the
whole camp, tapping water from the wells or cookers. There are
also recorded examples of the use of wind energy in Ethiopia and
biogas. Biogas in the form of ethanol is made from confectionary
industry waste. Filters for river water purification are also built
near some camps. In Sudan, for example, one of the refugees had
even come up with an idea how to use scrap and waste to make
a radio, TV or solar energy device.
Thus, it may be strongly supposed that in the long term locals
will gain more benefits from the stay of refugees on their territories
than they will suffer losses.6

2. Batalimo. Central African Republic. Economic activity in the camp. Photo M. Ząbek
K. Jacobsen, Can Refugees Benefit the State? Refugee Resources and African
Statebuilding, “The Journal of Modern African Studies”, Cambridge University
Press, Vol. 40, No. 4 (Dec., 2002), pp: 577–596.
6

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59

It should be admitted that refugee camps become in fact a trigger
point for development and succession of changes to take place in
the region. Various products and items provided to camps within humanitarian aid, often find their way to local marketplaces through
commercial exchange. In order to diversify their food, refugees buy
fruit and vegetables from locals, selling them in exchange cleaning staff, plates or clothes received from humanitarian aid. Most
of all, crowds of several hundred thousand generally poor people
constitute quite a large market for goods sold in Kenya. Besides,
not all refugees are completely poor and economically passive.
Some of them have raised funds they can invest in setting up cafes, workshops or agricultural farms. There are also people who
were already well-educated with defined qualifications, thanks to
which they can offer their skills to local community. In Ghana, for
example, well-educated and enterprising Liberian refugees noticed
numerous needs of the locals and started their own small businesses
on the basis of them. By contrast, many uneducated refugees are
often abused by locals as a cheap workforce. In Tanzania, refugees
located among the locals aroused their big dissatisfaction when they
suddenly decided to leave and settle autonomously in another place
mainly because hosts were forced to do works earlier performed
by refugees. So, despite common reluctance between refugees and
locals they sometimes get together and integrate themselves. There
are even some cases of marriages between refugees and locals. In
previous years, farmers in Tanzania, Sudan or Guinea welcomed
refugees with open arms. It happened so not only for the reason of
untrustworthy hospitality or altruistic approach of local Africans
but because refugees constituted for them the source of profits. In
Sudan, an owner of a big agricultural farm near Gedaref, employing
250 workers, praised their work by saying that before they came
he had been forced to spend long hours recruiting workers and
paying them high wages. Since refugees from Erytrei flew, he has

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Maciej Ząbek

been in a position to pay them less, while at the same time they
are more flexible as they have no other alternative to find a better
job. However, using refugees as a cheap workforce depends on
the situation. When the demand for farm workers is high, local
people object to refugees leaving their territories. Nevertheless,
in periods of drought and famine refugees are made redundant.
In reverse situations, a refugee camp may become a place of work
for the locals. It is well illustrated in Kakuma, in Kenya where local people living in considerably worse conditions than refugees
were employed in a camp to carry water or collect firewood so
as to improve their standard of living. Thus, refugee camps may
constitute for locals both the source of a cheap workforce as well as
an additional source of income, like in the case of Kenyan Turkana.
* * *
Providing long-term help to refugee camps requires from international organizations investments in infrastructure: construction of
roads and bridges, airport buildings and development of thorough
logistics. Furthermore, UNHCR, leading the policy aiming to mitigate conflicts with the locals, deliberately invests in the region in
the construction of new water supplies and new schools not only
for refugees, but also for the hosts. Hospitals, clinics and medical
care developed in refugee camps are also available to indigenous
people. Moreover, the quality of medical care and education in
refugee camps is often on a higher level than local one and thus
hosts try to enter camps and benefit therefrom. In reality, in the
first months and years of the refugee inflow both pharmaceuticals
and places at schools in the territories around camps remain usually
scarce. Local people have to share everything with refugees until
new schools and wells are built. In such situations neither part
gains. With time, however, new facilities, roads and wells appear
mainly because these types of investments prove to be the easiest

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61

to verify and sponsors eagerly allocate money on them. Besides,
they are treated as one element of the integration policy between
locals and refugees. If there were no refugees, nobody would even
think of investing in such facilities in border or poor regions of these
countries. In the long run, local people gain from such investments
because, thanks to refugees, external sponsors spend money on
them. In Uganda, Kibanda region, circa 40% of humanitarian aid
was granted to local people in order to mitigate conflicts between
host people and refugees. Similarly, in Tanzania, Kigoma region,
a special investment programme was launched to improve infrastructure of the region. This would not have happened but for the
refugees. Investments, initially channeled for refugees, after their
repatriation to the third countries, remain and are entirely taken
over by local communities. In 1995, for example, UNHCR gave to
the Malawi government schools, hospitals and vehicles worth about
35 million dollars whereas additional 78 million was transferred
for the purpose of removing environmental damages which took
place at the time of refugee camps’ existence.
In fact, in the beginning, refugees use resources such as water
or firewood “free of charge” from the local natural environment,
which leads to impoverishment and imbalance of the natural resources economics. The role of the international organizations is
to reduce such degradation through the development of proper
infrastructure and higher crop quality thanks to which the local
standard of living will also increase. Land cleaning and recovery
of natural environment are usually sponsored by international
agencies in close cooperation with the local governments. Additionally, help is provided to farmers whose crops were destroyed
by refugee camps.
Next advantage in the list of benefits for the local people is
a numerous staff of foreign organizations. To cater for the needs
of the wealthy clients new shops, hotels, bars and restaurants are

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Maciej Ząbek

opened in the neighborhood. Job vacancies await the qualified
medical care, education or accounting staff. Local drivers and
security guards will also find a job in refugee camps.
* * *
Nevertheless, even the greatest optimists realize that positive
effects of refugee camps are not always unambiguous. During
refugee camps’ close-down the infrastructure is often destroyed.
It is often an intentional step so that refugees quickly return to
their home countries. Thus, local people inherit hardly anything
from the refugee camps. Besides, stay of refugees may at one time
lead to the increase in food prices in the closest areas of refugee
camps or decrease in food prices another time. Everything depends
on various factors: good or poor harvest, season of the year, or
the extent to which refugees are used by local farmers as a cheap
workforce. Price increase leads to the situation where the poorest
local people cannot afford to buy food whereas decrease in prices
results in a dramatic drop in income of those farmers who dedicate
production surplus to the market. Anyway, local people always put
the blame for this situation on refugees. Besides, refugee camps
are always, as I already mentioned, source of problems related to
safety and reluctance of the local governments and local people.
* * *
To conclude, major threats resulting from refugee camps include,
on the one hand, higher expectations towards bureaucracy of the
host countries visible in their management of local environment
resources being within the range of refugees and securing them
for the local people. On the other hand, they include growing
requirements towards security agencies connected with potential
rise in the crime rate of the region. Problematic issues are also
deepened by ubiquitous corruption prevailing among local admin-

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63

istration staff trying to use international aid so as to meet their
own needs. Generally speaking, economic effects of the refugees’
stay on a given territory are sometimes greatly diversified and
hardly predictable in advance. It remains hard to prove whether
the final balance is positive or negative, especially in the context
of the discourse on sustainable development. In the short term,
there seem to be usually more negative adverse effects (including, as I already mentioned threats connected with security and
destabilization of local economy). However, at the time of camp
existence, there are numerous advantages to be noticed mainly
for the host communities which to a certain extent level negative
consequences of the refugee camps. The most significant include
better school education and higher standard of medical care. They
are mainly connected with the influx of new specialists and the
possibility of developing local economy thanks to a cheap workforce and entrepreneurship of some refugees, as well as access to
previously unavailable products. It should be noted that results of
the cheap workforce are volatile. On the one hand, work of refugees may support local people in generating higher income, but
on the other hand, not all host countries may employ refugees as
a cheap workforce. This in turn entails competition between the
locals and refugees about the place in the local economy. In this
case a lot depends on good or poor harvest. Except that, refugees
as a cheap workforce may replace women at work, leaving them
redundant. Additionally, women are at a disadvantage because
all social help is channeled not to them, but to refugees. Benefits
from infrastructure in refugee camps are not available in the very
beginning but after camps cease to exist they become open to a local community. It manly depends on careful accomplishment of
the project. Obviously, positive effects after the camp close-down
are no longer ambiguous. They result from the infrastructure
being taken over by the locals. Profit and loss account is heavily

64

Maciej Ząbek

reliant on the international aid operations indispensable in this
situation. Delays in providing humanitarian aid, along with insufficient quantity of funds, lead to the situation where refugees are
treated as a heavy burden to the host communities which in turn
entails hostile atmosphere. Nevertheless, it seems possible to avoid
serious conflicts between refugees and host communities on the
condition that international help and cooperation of all parties
concerned are effective and act for one good cause.
References
Agier, M. (2002), Aux Bords du monde, les réfugiés, Paris.
Chambers, R. (1986), Hidden Losers? The impact of rural refugees and
refugee programs on poorer hosts, “International Migration Review”, 1986, 20, 2, pp. 245–63.
Jacobsen, K. (2005), The Economic Life of Refugees, Boston.
Jacobsen, K. (2002), Can Refugees Benefit the State? Refugee Resources and
African Statebuilding, “The Journal of Modern African Studies”,
Cambridge, Vol. 40, No. 4 (Dec., 2002), pp. 577–596.
Landau, L.B. (2003), Beyond the Losers: Governmental Practice in Refugee –
Affected Tanzania, Journal of Refugee Studies, vol. 16, no 1, 2003
Ząbek, M. (2003), Obozowy „inny świat” spostrzeżenia z pobytu w obozach dla uchodźców w Kenii, „Afryka, Azja, Ameryka Łacińska”
t. 80, Warszawa.

Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya,
E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE SYSTEM (IKS) AND
BIODIVERSITY CONSERVATION IN SOUTH NGURU
MOUNTAIN FOREST RESERVE, TANZANIA:
Often neglected partner for sustainable
management and use of biodiversity
Abstract
This study examines the significance of indigenous knowledge system
(IKS) in sustainable management and use of biodiversity in South Nguru
Sosthenes Ruheza – Dr., Lecturer, Researcher and Consultant at
Development and Conservation Studies, University of Iringa (UoI). He
holds Masters Degree in Rural Development at University College Dublin
(UCD) and PhD in Development Studies of Sokoine University of Agriculture. His research interests concern conservation of natural resources particularly conservation of biodiversity and indigenous knowledge system.
Z.A. Mattee – Department of Agricultural Education and Extension,
Sokoine University of Agriculture (SUA), Morogoro, Tanzania.
Emanuel E. Chingonikaya – Dr., Senior Lecturer, Development
Studies Institute, Sokoine University of Agriculture, Morogoro. He holds
a PhD in Development Studies. He has attended several professional
courses such as interdisciplinary scientific research skills; concepts and
theories of developments, poverty and policy analysis, participatory
research methodology for researching with children, etc).
Zuena Kilugwe – affiliated with the School of Public Administration
and Management, Mzumbe University, Morogoro, Tanzania.

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

mountain forest reserve. Semi-structured and key-informant interviews,
field observations and focus group discussions (FGDs) were used for data
collection. This study observed that indigenous people had a bundle of
IKS that significantly contributed to the management of biodiversity.
The study also observed that neither the IKS nor the biodiversity conservation methods can sustainably manage and use biodiversity: their
combination would achieve more than either in their separation. The
study recommends: official recognition of IKS; active participation of
potential actors; motivation and capacity building of indigenous social
structures from which the IKS evolved, is enhanced and sustained, the
cornerstone for a wide use and application of the knowledge system and
to its integration into biodiversity conservation methods.
Keywords: Indigenous knowledge system, Biodiversity, Biodiversity
conservation, Sustainable management and use, South Nguru Mountain
Forest Reserve, Tanzania.

Introduction
Biodiversity is at the heart of sustainable development and life
insurance in itself (Mc Neil and Shei, 2002 cited by Sajise, 2005),
whereas overexploitation of biodiversity results in reduced capacity
to support present and future generations. The South Nguru Mountain Forest Reserve is not excluded from the increasing worldwide
problem of biodiversity decline, a problem that poses the greatest
challenge to human survival and development (TFCG, 2007). The
Mountains harbour one species which is critically endangered,
eight endangered, ten vulnerable, two near-threatened and twenty
vulnerable plant species based on IUCN threat classification (ibid).
Despite IKS being widely known for its roles in the conservation of
natural resources, indigenous people are often considered backward
and antithetical to conservation objectives. In lighting of the similar
view, McGregor (2004); Sobrevilla (2008) and Kajembe et al. (2010)
argue that many global environmental problems such as the decline

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67

of biodiversity have been attributed to the failure of most biodiversity
conservation initiatives to efficiently use IKS. Quite recently, there have
been several calls for the integration of IKS into biodiversity conservation methods, to take complementary advantage of their strengths
and weaknesses, as their combination may achieve what neither
would achieve alone (Stevenson, 2005; Nganje, 2009; Fitzgerald
and Stronza 2009; Kajembe et al., 2010; Cobb, 2011 and Das Gupta,
2011). Moreover, their integration would create a mechanism of
dialogue between indigenous people and scientists (Nyong, Adesina
and Elasha, 2007), leading to less serious conflicts among actors.
In this study, IKS refers to a body of knowledge that has been
generated, tested, improved overtime through human interactions
with their supporting ecosystem, enhanced and safeguarded by
norms, values, taboos, rituals and sacredness that is interwoven
into local politics, spiritual and socio-economic characteristics
of the people concerned. Wilfred et al. (2007) refer biodiversity
as a variety of life forms (animals, plants and micro-organisms),
ecosystems and the ecological process in which these components
are interacting, and the spiritual consciousness of the people concerned on such a relationship (Kimmerer, 2002). This implies that
for indigenous people, biodiversity is synonymous to a scientific
view of ecosystem with spiritual value attached to it. It is from the
above argumentation, this study perceived biodiversity as abundance and number of different species of wild species of plants
and animals and the non-living organisms in a given geographic
area, living in spiritual and reciprocal relationships between the
living and the non-living things, whereas humans are perceived
as being part and parcel of the supporting ecosystem.
According to Charnley, Fischer and Jones (2007) biodiversity
conservation methods refer to conservation initiatives that are
driven by theoretical models that are governed by testing of hypotheses and not necessarily utilitarian, often generalizable and

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

not always location-specific. In this study, biodiversity conservation
methods refer to all forms of rules and regulations that are derived
from scientifically derived approaches, and that perceive human
beings as managers and part of the broader ecosystem. McGregor
(2004) observed that the indigenous people in their own language
(Ojibway language) had no single word to describe sustainable
management and use of biodiversity. People simply believe that
there should be a mutual taking and giving back to nature for the
benefit of all components of the supporting ecosystem, and such
duty is for the tiniest animals up to the powerful sun and spirits.
This study refers to sustainable management and use of biodiversity
as the management of humans’ interactions with wild species of
plants and animals and non-living things in a supporting ecosystem,
to ensure a reciprocal taking and giving back to nature so as to
meet the needs and aspirations of present and future generations
of all creations, and their spiritual values herein.
It is against this background, using South Nguru Mountain
Forest Reserve as a case study, that this research explores IKS and
management and use of biodiversity. Integration of this knowledge
system into biodiversity conservation initiatives, may improve
biodiversity conservation outcomes.

Methodology
Study Area
The South Nguru Mountain Forest Reserve (Figure 1) is situated roughly at the centre of the Eastern Arc Mountain chain of
Tanzania, lying between S 05° 53´ S – S 06° 17´ and E 037° 27´– E
037° 45´ in Mvomero District, Morogoro Region. The Mountain
covers an area of 184 square kilometers (DIIS, 2007), with an
altitude ranging between 760 and 2400 meters above sea level
(Menegon, Doggart and Owen, 2008).

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Figure 1: A map showing location of the study villages

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

Research design, sampling procedures,
data collection and analysis
In this study, an exploratory cross-sectional research design
was used. According to De Vaus (2002), a cross-sectional research
design involves the collection of information from representative
population sample in one time duration at a single point. The
choice of this research design is grounded on the fact that it is more
flexible to provide opportunity for considering different aspects of
a problem under study (Kothari, 2004).
A purposive sampling was used to select 4 villages out of 25 villages bordering South Nguru Mountain Forest Reserve, each representing one ward within the landscape. Four villages were purposively selected, one village from the Northern, Southern, Eastern
and Western parts of the mountain landscape, representing different
socio-economic characteristics of the study population. The study
village included Pemba (north), Mndela (south), Maskati (west)
and Kwelikwiji (east) of the South Nguru Mountain Forest Reserve.
Based on the criteria of being an indigenous person, as being a
person who has lived in an area for not less 20; a sampling list was
created using the 2005 voting list. A sample of 60 interviewees was
randomly selected from each of the four village’s sampling list, making a total of 240 interviewees. Semi-structured and key-informant
interviews, field observations and Focus Group Discussions were
used for data collection. Four Focus Groups Discussions (FGD),
(one in each of the four selected villages), that included walukolo,
members of village environmental committees and the village
chairperson, and/or the Village Executive Officer (VEO) were held
to complement the information collected through interviews and
field observations. Data collected in phase one was analyzed using
both qualitative and quantitative methods. The Statistical Package
for Social Sciences (SPSS) was used to analyze the quantitative data
whereas content analysis was used to analyze the qualitative data.

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71

Results and Discussion
Respondents’ views on the origin of biodiversity
in the South Nguru montane forest
The results (Table 1) showed that most respondents (90.0%)
believe that biodiversity was created by God/gods, while only
10.0% of the respondents did not know the origin of biodiversity.
Based on these findings, it is apparent that there is a spiritual belief
amongst most of the respondents that biodiversity is God’s/god’s
creation. Similarly, Anis (1994) cited by Mokuku and Mokuku
(2004), added that most indigenous people believe that all living
organisms share a creator and the creative process, and therefore
they relate to one another, and such spiritual relationship has been
determining human relations with other living things.
However, in his study Mapara (2009) reported that the indigenous teaching among the Shona ethnic group of the present day
Zimbabwe was normally through proverbs, starting with the words
“Vakuru vedu vanoti”... or “Vakulu vedu vaiti” (“our elders used to
say “...” or “our elders said “...”), whereas Vakuru implies either the
dead or the elders who are knowledgeable/or were knowledgeable
on IKS, indicating existence of a spiritual belief among indigenous
people on existences of connectivity with their ancestors.
Arguing on the significance of spiritual beliefs on conservation,
Ylhäisi (2006) puts it that spiritual reasons have played a significant
role in the management and use of biodiversity, as they determine
human-biodiversity interactions of a particular ethnic group (Berkes
2008, Turbull 2007 and IIRR 1996b cited by Tanyanyiwa and Chikwanha 2011, Cobb 2011) and less labour and more cost effective
as compared to biodiversity conservation methods (Kideghesho,
2009). Moreover, management and use of biodiversity and the
degree of adoption of new innovation, rests on the spiritual beliefs
of a particular group of people about nature (IIRR, 1996a cited by

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

Tanyanyiwa and Chikwanha 2011). This suggests that appreciation
and consideration of spiritual values attached to biodiversity by
indigenous people might reduce conflicts among actors, promote
and enhance the knowledge system and significantly contribute
to sustainable management and use of biodiversity.
Table 1: The respondents’ views on the origin of biodiversity in the South
Nguru Mountain Forest Reserve
Response Item

Frequency Percentage
(n=240)

Respondents’ views on the origin of biodiversity
Created by God/gods
I don’t know

216
24

90.0
10.0

Total

240

100

The presence of, status and custodians of sacred groves/places
Results (Table 2) show that most (93.3%) of the respondents
appreciate the presence of sacred groves/place(s) in their communities, while 6.3% of the respondents said there were no sacred
groves/places in their community and only 0.4% of the respondents expressed their ignorance on the presence of sacred groves
in their village. This implies that most of the respondents were
appreciating the existence of sacred groves/places in their respective village. This study observed several sacred groves/places in all
the villages, and the respondents who claimed that there were no
sacred groves/places in their village might have been influenced
by other factors: sacred groves/places were obvious, though they
were increasingly less respected.
According to Dash (2005) cited by Jaryan et al. (2010), sacred groves refer to patches of forests conserved through human’s
spiritual beliefs and faith, whereas Ylhäisi (2006) refers to sacred
forests/groves as being those forests/groves which are conserved
by pre-colonial indigenous institutions and spiritual structures, and

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73

believed to be inhabited by supernatural powers which influence
the life of the people living in the area, and where ritual practices
take place to strengthen the harmony between living people and
supernatural powers, acting on behalf of the dead ancestors on the
one hand and the unity among the people themselves, on the other
hand. Their destruction has been prohibited to avoid destruction of
the harmony of people livelihoods and the home of their ancestors
(Ylhäisi, 2006). Arguing on the distribution of sacred groves, Jaryan
et al. (2010) claimed that sacred are not restricted to any particular
place or community and are well distributed across the globe and
vary in sizes. Unfortunately, many are fast disappearing as a result of
the influence of rapid socio-economic transformation, materialistic
attitudes of the people that lead to the overutilization of resources.
Table 2: Respondents’ views on the presence, status of and custodians
of the sacred groves
Presence of sacred groves/places in the village

Frequency Percentage
(n = 240)
224
93.3
15
6.2
1
0.4
240
100

Yes
No
I don’t know
Total
Custodian(s) of sacred grove/place (n= 224)
173
77.0
walukolo
The village government
7
3.0
42
19.0
walukolo and village government
None
2
1.0
Total
224
100
Status and density of the sacred groves as of the past 20 years (224)
Are of the same size(s)
59
26.0
Have decreased
98
44.0
Almost extinct
66
29.6
I don’t know
1
0.4
Total
224
100

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

(Table 2) shows that most (77.0%) of the respondents claimed
that sacred grove(s) were under the management of walukolo
(indigenous leaders, elders in most cases), while 19.0% of the
respondents said that sacred groves/places were managed by both
walukolo and the village’s government officials. Results further
show that 3.0% claimed that sacred groves were managed by their
village government and only 1.0% of the respondents said sacred
groves/places are under the management of no one. According
to PEMA (2006), conservation of sacred groves and/places has
been historical practice of the Nguu ethnic group, mostly under
the custodian of heads of the clan (mlukolo in Nguu language,
meaning a head of people sharing common norms, values and
practices). In lighting of the presence of the lukolo, Kajembe et
al. (2010) and Shemdoe (2003) contend that all over Tanzania
there are indigenous leaders responsible for the formulation and
enforcement of taboos, norms and rules which, among others,
determine humans-biodiversity interactions. For example, Steiner
et al. (2004) cited by Hens (2006) argue that despite the fact
that sacred groves have been biodiversity reservoirs, they were
ignored by governments, conservation agencies and policies, so,
their survival depends on the indigenous people (walukolo in
such a case).
According to PEMA (2006) sacred groves/places have been
devoted to worship, rituals, tribal ceremonies and cemeteries.
Grave forests in Ghana are protected to respect the dead as it is
believed that the ancestral spirits live there, and entrance to those
places is limited to certain members of the community such as the
royal family members, village leaders and clan heads during burial
purposes. Collection of products from grave places is an invitation
of evil spirits and may instigate calamities such as famine, floods
or death, resulting in conservation of biodiversity in such places
(Ntiamou-Baidu 1995 cited by Mbwambo 2000).

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75

1. A sacred grove in public land in Maskati village of the South Nguru Mountain
Forest Reserve: Photo Ruheza S. Mattee

Reporting on the status of sacred grove(s)/place(s) for the past
20 years (Table 2), the majority of the respondents (44.0%) claim
that the size of scared groves has decreased and almost 29.6% of
the respondents said that sacred groves were almost extinct. Of
all respondents, 26.0% said that size of sacred grove(s)/place(s)
had remained the same, as of the past 20 years, and only 0.4% of
the respondents said they did not know. It was further observed
that some pieces of lands, which were previously restricted from
farming, called ng’alimwa in Nguu language (meaning places that
should not be farmed), have been converted to farmlands. Similarly,
a study by Ylhäisi (2006) in the Usambara Montane Forests found
that sacred groves were encroached on for agricultural purposes,

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

fetching of fuel wood and valuable timber trees species had led to
a decrease in their taxonomic diversity, size and densities of most
sacred groves and of biodiversity.
The Nguu ethnic groups and sacred groves and/or places
The results of different Nguu ethnic groups and their respective
sacred groves/or places are presented in Table 3. This study revealed
the existence of sacred groves/places with a total estimated area
of 47.5 ha, managed mostly by 9 Nguu clans. The largest sacred
grove is 4.8 ha, while the smallest grove is 0.05 ha, with a mean
area of 1.8 ha.
In Maskati village there are seven sacred groves with an estimated size of 10.45 ha, managed by three clans: Wanyagatwa
(9.2 ha), Waganaza (1.2 ha) and Gombero (0.05ha). The Mndela
village is dominated by a single clan, Wasongo, which manages
a total of three sacred groves, totaling 4 ha. Results also show that
in Pemba village there are a total of sixteen sacred groves managed
by six clans: Wasongo (8.2 ha), Wanyasa (11.2 ha) and Kilangulu
(6.4 ha). Others include Wakwigina (4.4 ha), Waluhanga (2.8 ha)
and Waruwi (1.2 ha). Table 3 shows that Kwelikwiji village is also
dominated by a single clan, having a single sacred place referred
to as Luamba ritual site with an estimated size of 0.05 ha that is
under the custodian of Wanyagatwa. The study further disclosed
that some of the clans are dominating more than one village, and
therefore, the indigenous territories are not conforming to government village demarcations.
The study further reveals that the Maasai, like the Nguu ethnic
group, have sacred groves/or places, probably because of their
forest-livestock relationships in this particular area. Furthermore,
traditionally the Maasai do not hunt or consume wild meat and
are less involved with forest clearing for agricultural purposes.
Moreover, the Maasai perform annual rituals, aiming for health

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77

and wishes, though currently they are no longer practiced, as most
of them prefer to sell their cattle rather than to offer sacrifices for
rituals. This finding is supported by a study by Shemdoe (2003)
in Lake Manyara National Park which reveals that Maasai spiritual
leaders, referred to as laiguinan, who were acquainted with their
clan culture, are respected in terms of their decisions, rules and
regulations on the management and use of biodiversity, among
others.
A study by Ylhäisi (2006) finds great variation in size and density of sacred groves among different lukolos within and between
villages, as a result of differences in the degree of social solidarity exercised by a particular clan and on the presence/absence of
the responsible head of a clan (mlukolo in Nguu tribe) to manage
the use of the clan’s sacred grove(s)/place(s). Similarly, studies
by Kweka (2004), Msuya and Kideghesho (2009) also observed
that dominance of a certain ethnic group in a particular area
determines their strengths in the emphasis of their indigenous
knowledge for the management and use of biodiversity, and sacred
grove(s) being part of it. It is worth noting that the Nguu and Zigua
ethnic groups are closely related in their culture, norms, values
and language. A study by Ylhäisi (2006) revealed that the Zigua,
the first clan to settle in an area, established a clan (a lukolo in
both Zigua and Nguu languages), and a mlukolo is responsible
for the conservation of the sacred groves, ritual practices and
enforcement of the IKS, among other duties (Ylhäisi, 2006). The
lukolo is mainly based on having a common ritual place, and not
necessarily being a blood relation (Oppen, 1992 cited by Ylhäisi,
2006). It is from the study findings and literature that this study
argues that sustainability of sacred groves and/places that have
been widely reported to conserve biodiversity mostly rests on the
walukolo, in a context of increased external and internal pressure
for their encroachment.

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

Table 3: The Nguu ethnic groups’ sacred groves/places in the study area
Name
of the village

Name of the sacred
grove/place

Estimated
size (Ha)

Custodian
clan

Maskati
Mpeele (Kwentingu)

4.0

Wanyagatwa

Magole

2.0

Wanyagatwa

Manyasa

1.6

Wanyagatwa

Disalaza

0.8

Wanyagatwa

Mazinde

0.8

Wanyagatwa

Pangai

1.2

Sub total

9.2
Gombero

Total

0.05

Waganaza
Wafati

10.45

Mndela
Kochamazi

0.8

Wasongo

Kwedimongo

1.2

Wasongo

2.0

Wasongo

Mlima Mteke
Total

4.0

Pemba
Finta

Wasongo

Nyanyiunga

1.8

Wasongo

Mkunvuru

2.4

Wasongo

Sub total

8.2
Kwevirango

4.4

Wanyasa

Heviziwa

4.8

Wanyasa

Mgoroka

2.0

Wanyasa

Sub total

Sub total

4.0

11.2
Khwarike

1.2

Waruwi

Msente

0.4

Waluhanga

Kwevilulu

0.8

Waluhanga

Kikangazi

1.6

Waluhanga

2.8

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Mheza

2.8

Kilangulu

Rwinyi

1.2

Kilangulu

Kimwege

2.4

Kilangulu

Sub total

79

6.4
Vikinga

1.6

Gereza

1.6

Wakwigina

Mapalamba

1.2

Wakwigina

Sub total

Wakwigina

4.4

Total

33.0

Kwelikwiji
Luamba
Grand Total

0.05

Wanyagatwa

47.5

Presence of sacred wild plant species
and reasons for their sacredness
Most of Nguu people are aware of the existence of sacred wild
tree species in their village. Table 4 demonstrates that most of the
respondents (81.0%) agreed on the presence of sacred wild tree
species, while only 19.0% of the respondents expressed their ignorance of the presence of sacred tree species in their village. The
study further disclosed that Mvumo (Ficus inges, F. scassellatii) were
mentioned by most of the respondents (53.0%) as a sacred tree
species, while 27.0% of the respondents mentioned Mkuyu (Ficus
altissima) and only 8.0% of the respondents claimed that Mdala
(Euclea divinorum) was sacred. Of all the respondents, only 7.0%
and 5.0% of the respondents mentioned any big tree/very old trees
and Mnyasa (Newtonia buchananii) as sacred trees, respectively.
Results (Table 4) have further shown that majority (47.0%) of
the respondents claim that tree species that are sacred are believed
to inhabit ancestral spirits and/or used for traditional ceremonies,
while 27.0% of respondents say those trees improve soil fertility
and conserve moisture, and 18.0% of respondents say that sacred

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

trees are believed to cause curse, sickness and death to a person or
a close relative, if destroyed. Results further show that 5.0% of the
respondents believe that all edible wild fruit trees are sacred and
only 3.0% of the respondents claim that medicinal trees are sacred.
Scattered wild tree species on public lands are also considered
sacred, varying in size from very big and probably very old trees to
small ones. It was revealed that in case it is deemed necessary to cut
down such very big/very old trees, some rituals have to be performed
as a way of appeasing ancestral spirits. For example, according to
the Maasai, trunks of cut sacred trees have to be covered by fresh
leaves as a way of appeasing ancestral spirits for cutting such a tree.
Tanyanyiwa and Chikwanha (2011) also found that very big/very old
wild trees were perceived among the Shona/Ndebele ethnic group
as inhabiting ancestral spirits and capable of rainmaking. They are
normally used for shade and traditional ceremonies, and therefore
have been considered sacred and were protected from any malpractices that threaten their survival. Ancestral spirits are believed to use
such tree species to reach people. It is from the above findings and
literature review that this study argues that beliefs in sacred trees
have significantly contributed to management of biodiversity. Sacred
attachment to flora species is varied within different ethnic groups,
probably because of their socio-economic characteristics and perceived
contribution of such species to their livelihood and spiritual beliefs.
Table 4: Respondents’ views on the presence of sacred wild plants and
their reason(s) for their sacredness. Sacred wild animals and
reason(s) for their sacredness
Presence of sacred wild species

Frequency Percentage
(n = 240)

Yes

195

81.0

No

45

19.0

240

100

Total

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Name of sacred tree species (n = 195)
124

53.0

Mnyasa (Newtonia buchananii)

11

5.0

Mdala (Euclea divinorum)

19

8.0

Mkuyu (Ficus altissima)

63

27.0

Any big tree

16

7.0

218

47.0

Mvumo (Ficus inges, F. Scassellatii)

Reasons for sacred wild plants (n = 195)
Harbors evil spirits and used for traditional practices
Medicinal plants
Improve soil fertility and conserve water

14

3.0

126

27.0

Provide wild fruits

21

5.0

Can lead to curse, sickness and death

82

18.0

The sanctity of wild animals is another aspect of the linkage between IKS and biodiversity conservation. Table 5 shows
that most of the respondents (75.0%) agreed on the presence
of sacred wild animals in their community, while 23.0% of the
respondents said there were no sacred wild animals and 2.0% of
the respondents said they did not know. Mbega (Colubus angelensis) is mentioned by most of the respondents (74.2%) as being
sacred and 13.4% of the respondents mention Gwalangwa (millipede) being sacred (Table 4). Of the respondents, 7.4% claim
that Kunguru (Corvus albus, C. albicollis) is a sacred animal while
only 5.0% of the respondents mentioned Dondoro (Cephalophus
harveyi) as a sacred wild animal. Despite Dondoro (C. harveyi)
being mentioned as a sacred animal, the study and literature
show that duikers are some of the most hunted wild animals
for bush meat and can rarely be seen nowadays. Arguably, it is
possible that the animals are mentioned as sacred either because
they are illegally hunted inside the forests, a practice that has
been restricted by the forest officers, or as a way of trying to hide
activities as facts on the ground.

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

Most of the respondents (86.0%) express that wild animal species are neither destructive, harmless, nor consumable and those
which contribute to people’s livelihood strategies are normally
considered sacred, and killing such animals has been perceived
as a taboo, as such action goes against the God’s reasons for creation and management and use of biodiversity. About 11.0% of
the respondents say that they do not know why some wild animal
species are perceived as sacred, though they believed killing such
animals can lead to curse and/or death of an offender or a close
relative, and only 3.0% of the respondents said that harmless
animals such as Galangwa (millipede) were sacred.
Table 5: Respondents’ views on the presence of sacred wild animal
Presence of sacred animal(s)

Frequency
(n = 240)

Percentage

Yes

179

75.0

No

56

23.0

5

2.0

240

100

150

74.3

I don’t know
Total
Name of sacred species (n = 179)
Mbega (Colubus angelensis)
Gwalangwa (millepede)

27

13.4

Dondoro (Cephalophus harveyi)

10

5.0

Kunguru (Corvus albus, C. albicollis)

15

7.4

187

86.0

Reason(s) for sacredness (n = 179)
Non-destructive and not consumable
Harmless
Killing can lead to curse and death

7

3.0

23

11.0

Mokuku and Mokuku (2004) contend that some animal species are perceived as being sacred as they have powers to cause
certain awesome consequences for humans and communicate

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83

with humans, once seen or encountered, suggesting the existence
of complex interactions between physical and spiritual beings of
indigenous people into other species. For example, an owl’s call
is believed to warn about or cause death in the family (Mokuku
and Mokuku, 2004; Kweka, 2004). Mokuku and Mokuku (2004)
also found that the pied-crows (C. albus) are believed to bring
good luck, such as one may get money, and therefore favour their
conservation. In summing up the discussion on sacred animals
and management, and use of biodiversity, Mokuku and Mokuku
(2004) put it that association of some organisms with fearsome
consequences if destroyed and providence seen or encountered
shrouds them with spiritual powers, sacredness and awe, creating
a basis for their respect and therefore their conservation. Mapara
(2009) also reported that in pre-colonial Shona society, taboos were
used to discourage people from transgressing norms on totemic
species, and there were several fines for the transgressor of those
norms, resulting in conservation of the species of concern.
What needs to be done to revive the IKS for
management and use of biodiversity
Results (Table 6) show that half of the respondents (51.0%)
say that the youth must be formally taught on the significance of
the IKS for management and use of biodiversity to ensure sustainability of the knowledge system, while 27.0% of the respondents
proposed official recognition of and capacity building for the custodians of the knowledge system. Of the respondents, 7.0% said
that integration of IKS into village bylaws will enhance and sustain
a wide use application of the knowledge system, while 15.0% of
the respondents express their ignorance of what should be done
to revive the knowledge system.
Arguing on the lack of the official recognition of IKS, Kideghesho
(2009) states that there is a minimal official recognition of this

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

knowledge system in conservation policies despite the government
being a signatory of the CBD of 1992 which emphasized, among
others, on the wide use an application and integration of the IKS.
In lighting of the similar view, Mattee (2007) argues that policies
in Tanzania are formulated through a centralized system of public
interest resulting in failure of such policies: the process of policies
formulation has ignored power relationships and roles among
potential stakeholders making them being almost irrelevant and
leading to conflicts among actors interested in management and
use of biodiversity.
Table 6: Strategies to revive the indigenous knowledge system
A strategy

Frequency Percentage
(n = 240)

There should be more teaching on the significance
of IKS

199

51.0

Official recognition and capacity building of IKS

105

27.0

Integration of IKS into village bylaws

30

7.0

I don’t know

58

15.0

Respondents’ views on the significance of the IKS/
biodiversity conservation methods on management
and use of biodiversity
The respondents’ views on the significance of the IKS and biodiversity conservation methods in their separation on management
and use of biodiversity are shown in Table 7. Result show that
most of the respondents (97.0%) express their view that the IKS
alone cannot effectively conserve biodiversity, with only 3.0% of
the respondents claiming that the knowledge system alone can
effectively and sustainably conserve biodiversity.
Results also show that of the respondents who claim that the
IKS cannot sustainably manage and use biodiversity, almost 80.3%

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85

said that lack of legitimacy and power of IKS to deal with offenders of the system has limited its effectiveness on management and
use of biodiversity, while 9.1% of the respondents said that labeling the IKS as out-dated has limited its effectiveness, and almost
6.6% of the respondents said that as not all areas are under the
custodians of the IKS, its effectiveness on management and use of
biodiversity is thus limited. Results further reveal that almost 2.6%
of the respondents say that the knowledge system can effectively
and sustainably manage and use biodiversity since the system
is still respected by most people, while 1.4% of the respondents
claim that the knowledge system alone cannot sustainably manage and use biodiversity, unless otherwise, poverty is dealt with.
Poverty has compelled people to abuse their knowledge system
just to make a living.
Arguing on the lack of legitimacy amongst the custodians of
the IKS, Ylhäisi (2006) states that regardless of the significance
of the walukolo on management and use of biodiversity through
enforcing the IKS, their roles have increasingly been eclipsed by
national legislation, government institutions and village administration, with most of the duties of the forestry officers being
limited inside boundaries of the forest reserves, with the exception of some exported plant species such as Mninga and Mvule.
Through key-informant interview, it was disclosed that limited
budget and staff were the reasons why the forestry officers have
limited effectiveness inside the forest reserves. In furtherance of
the discussion on the exclusion of the indigenous people in the
realm of biodiversity conservation, Ylhäisi (2006) further added
that, despite the Tanzanian government being a signatory of
the CBD of 1992 and the Forest Act of 2002 emphasizing active
participation of the indigenous people, most forest officers still
consider indigenous people as harmful to biodiversity, rather than
potential partners in management and use of biodiversity. In light

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

of this, several studies have pointed out that both colonial and
post-colonial government policies and regulations marginalized the
IKS, triggering a struggle for legitimacy between the knowledge
systems (Mutta, et al., 2009, Kideghesho, 2009 and Ossai, 2010).
Results (Table 7) have shown that most of the respondents
(97.5%) claimed that biodiversity conservation methods alone
cannot effectively and sustainably conserve biodiversity, while only
2.5% of the respondents expressed that biodiversity conservation
methods alone can effectively and sustainably conserve biodiversity.
Results also indicate that half of the respondents (50.2%) claim
that limited resources hampered the effectiveness of biodiversity
conservation methods, while 24.3% of respondents mention lack
of spiritual connectedness amongst forestry officers and other
practitioners of sustainable management, which reduces their seriousness on management and use of the same. Of the respondents,
18.4% said that biodiversity conservation methods alone could not
effectively conserve biodiversity in the absence of a complementary partner, the IKS, while only 7.1% of the respondents said that
biodiversity conservation methods could not effectively conserve
biodiversity as they are less known to most people.
Table 7: Respondent’s views on the effectiveness of the IKS/ biodiversity
conservation methods on management and use of biodiversity
Effectiveness of the indigenous knowledge
system alone on conserve biodiversity

Frequency Percentage
(n = 240)

Yes

7

3.0

No

233

97.0

Total

240

100

Reasons for the effectiveness status of IKS (n = 240)
220
IKS has no legitimacy and legal power to deal with
offenders
Indigenous knowledge system is perceived as outdated
25
Not all areas are under indigenous knowledge system

18

80.3
9.1
6.6

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People still respect IKS

7

2.6

Income poverty has to be dealt

4

1.4

Effectiveness of biodiversity methods alone
on conservation of biodiversity
Yes

6

2.5

No

234

97.5

Total

240

100

65

24.3

134

50.2

Reason for the effectiveness status of biodiversity
conservation methods (n = 240)
The government officials lack spiritual connectedness
to biodiversity
The government has limited resources for meaningful
conservation
Biodiversity conservation methods are less known
Indigenous knowledge system is an ignored
complementing partner

19

7.1

49

18.4

Through a key-informant interview, it was reported that conservation initiatives of the forestry reserve were limited by funding
and field forestry officers. For example, in the last financial year
(2011–2012), the allocated funds were only 60.0% of the requested
budget, with a shortage of seven field forestry officers needed for
conservation of the South Nguru Montane Forest Reserve as per
the Mkingu Nature Reserve Forest strategic plan. According to
FBD (2005); Kideghesho (2009) limited budgets and inadequate
workforces which have limited the capacity of most governments
in enforcement of the biodiversity conservation methods. Similarly,
Sabuni (1998) cited by Mbwambo (2000) and Burgess et al. (2007)
also noted that insufficient funds limited effective management
and use of biodiversity in the Eastern Arc Mountains Forests.
PEMA (2006) also found that poor enforcement of poorly understood government rules and regulations for the management
and use of biodiversity has limited their effectiveness. Arguably,
limited resources have hampered the capacity of the government

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

on the management and use of biodiversity. Moreover, through
interviews, it was found that negligence of the spiritual aspects
attached to biodiversity amongst the government officials has also
limited the effectiveness of biodiversity conservation methods.
Similarly, citing Gibson et al. (1999), Kweka (2004) also put it that
a meaningful participation of primary beneficiaries could do much
better for the management and use of biodiversity. It would address
the problem of limited government staff for the enforcement of the
rules and regulations, by increasing indigenous people’s sense of
ownership of the biodiversity to be conserved, enhance peoples’
attitude towards conservation and the forestry staff and increase
mutual trust between forestry staff, and the indigenous people.
For example, a study by Ylhäisi (2006) observed that in Simbomu and Vuchama Ngofi villages of Mwanga district, village
by-laws were supporting protected indigenous forests, whilst the
caretakers of the indigenous forests (walukolo, in the case of this
study) are officially recognized and continue to protect their forests
using their IKS. In cases where a caretaker of a certain sacred grove
converted into either Christianity or Islam, the management of the
sacred groves would become the responsibility of the respective
village government (Ylhäisi, 2006). Moreover, village governments
have been responsible for all cases of destruction of the protected
indigenous forests instead of the care takers of these forests, who
in most cases are elders, unable to meet the costs and all other
bureaucracy associated with dealing with the offenders (ibid). Citing the Simbomu and Vuchama Ngofi examples of the integration
of IKS and biodiversity conservation methods, Idd (2002) cited by
Ylhäisi (2006) argues that such an integration of the knowledge
systems was a very important strategy and a good example to the
whole of Tanzania, as it resulted in recovery and improvement of
the sacred groves in Simbomu village. This suggests that integration of IKS and biodiversity conservation methods would achieve

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more on sustainable management and use of biodiversity than
either in their separation.
In summing up the discussion of the effectiveness of the IKS and
biodiversity conservation methods in their separation on sustainable
management and use of biodiversity, Ylhäisi (2006) puts it that
bylaws, laws and the IKS in their separation have less influence
in preventing people from using forest land as most people prefer
and follow the unwritten policies that enable them to survive,
despite being aware of the fact that by doing so they are destroying their most important partner in their survival (Mvungi, 1998
cited by Ylhäisi, 2006). In furtherance of this view, citing Guyer
and Richard (1996), Korhonen (2009) argued that the western
idea of separating humans and nature is a strange idea in some
cultures, yet perceiving indigenous people as having lived in harmony with biodiversity is also not true. This suggests that both
the IKS and biodiversity conservation methods are perceived as
not being effective in sustainable management and use, and thus
it has been widely argued for their integration. Sadly, the IKS has
been excluded from the management and use of biodiversity as
it has been perceived as being primitive, barbaric and backward,
just a few to name.

Conclusions
Biodiversity is a cornerstone for sustainable development, and
the IKS has a great role to play in attainment of the same. It is
from the findings and the literature the following conclusions are
drawn by the study. First, in the South Nguru Mountain Forest
Reserve, local people possess a wealth of IKS that determined
humans-biodiversity. The knowledge system was interwoven into
people’s indigenous social structure and politics, whereas the
social structure links humans, the land in which ancestors were

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Ruheza S. Mattee, Z.A., Chingonikaya, E.E. and Kilugwe, Z.

buried and the ancestral spirits, with the latter being believed to
affect the lives of the people. The knowledge system included but
not limited to sacred groves and places, globally known for their
biodiversity richness and sacred species of both, flora and fauna.
The study also revealed that most of the indigenous people
believed that all the living and the non-living things were the
God/or gods’ creation and deserved upmost respect, so they had
to be used in a reciprocal relationship among themselves, whereas
restrictions in forms of taboo, sacredness, totemic, just to list a few
attached to favour their conservation. Sadly, despite the significance
of the IKS on management and use of biodiversity being extensively documented, most of biodiversity conservations initiatives
relied on the western view of conservation with written rules and
regulations excluding the IKS. Conclusively, the integration of
the IKS on its own ways of knowing and doing, and biodiversity
conservation methods and for sustainable management and use
of biodiversity is a cornerstone for the achievement of the same,
as the knowledge systems are complementing each other on their
weaknesses and strengths.

Recommendations
– To the government and non-governmental organizations, official recognition, motivation, capacity building and promotion
of indigenous social structures from which IKS relevant for
management and use of biodiversity gets evolved, enhanced
and sustained is a corner for cherishment, sustainability and
integration of IKS into biodiversity conservation methods for
management and use of biodiversity. The IKS should be used
based on its own ways of knowing, teaching and learning.
– Last but not least, an in-depth study on biodiversity richness
and taxonomic diversity of the sacred groves and places in the

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South Nguru Mountain Forest Reserve and elsewhere, by the
government and biodiversity conservation practitioners, is of
paramount importance as sacred groves and places are globally
acknowledged for being the habitat of endangered and nearly
extinct species of both flora and fauna.

Acknowledgement
First and foremost, a credit should go to the local communities for their devoted time, kindness and cooperation during our
research, and to the village government leaders, we are thankful
for their cooperation, organization and support during our stay in
the study villages. We are also thankful to Morogoro Catchment
Officers for their support and information during field work.
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Jerzy Gilarowski

Environmental change and adjustments
in agriculture in Tanzania
Abstract
The most common definition of climate change is an alteration in
the variables of the climate system over long periods of time. The main
factors of the natural climate change are: variations in solar radiation,
orbital variations of the Earth, variations in the albedo or reflectivity of
the continents and oceans, volcanism and continental drift. However, in
the last 150 years, the most significant agents of climate variation were
human activities. Of most concern in human influences is the increase
in carbon dioxide levels due to emissions from fossil fuel burning. The
fastest changes in climatic variables, especially in temperature patterns,
occur in temperate and polar zones. Many scientists agree that the pace
of global warming is much slower in the intertropical belt, but despite
these common views, my research, which I did in 2010 and 2013, with
the help of my geography students, shows, that climate and environmental changes are much faster than the scientists write. Within the last
30 years the biggest changes took place in temperature and precipitation
patterns and in soil fertility. As the changes are likely to continue in the
future, Tanzania will have to adapt to them its agriculture – change the
structure of production, methods of cultivation, and first of all create,
together with neighboring countries, deeply thought-out system of water
management.
Jerzy Gilarowski – PhD in Geography, Professor at the Faculty of
Science and Education, Department of Education, University of Iringa.
His main research interests are: Man and Environment relationship in
Sub Saharan Africa.

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Jerzy Gilarowski

Key words: Environmental change, Tanzania, Adjustments in agriculture, Water management.

* * *
Natural climate change is an ongoing process, but in the last
150 years the average temperature of the Earth’s lower part of
the atmosphere was growing as a result of the greenhouse effect
(caused mostly by an addition of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere
from burning fossil fuels). The observed climate anomalies occur,
however, especially in temperate and polar climate.
Many scientists agree that global warming refers, to a lesser
extent, to equatorial regions (for example Tanzania). According
to them, due to global warming, the air temperature rises quickly
in the area of polar and temperate climates (for example: in Europe,
USA, Canada, and Russia). Is it really so? Does Tanzania experience
lesser climate change? My research shows that it does not – climate
and environmental changes in Tanzania (according to Tanzanian
residents) are much faster than the scientists write.
The study of the environmental change in Tanzania (made
through questionnaires) involved 140 students of the Faculty of
Arts and Social Sciences from the University of Dodoma. All students were attending my lecture on Climatology. The study took
place in 2010, and 2013 in the middle of second semester, during
the Easter break. Before the break, just before students’ leaving
to their homes for holidays, I discussed with them in details the
content of the questionnaire. Students were asked to interview
their parents and grandparents in terms of the questions contained
in the questionnaire. Each questionnaire contained 6 questions
that focused on possible changes in the environment that have
occurred (or not) in the last 30 years in their places of residences
and – more generally – in their administrative regions. Responding to a question (on a basis of received answers from relatives

Environmental change and adjustments...

99

and on a basis of their own observations) students had a choice
of selecting one of three options: Yes – changes have taken place,
No – changes have not taken place or I don’t know – if there was
no information available (or lack of self-knowledge). Students
were informed that it is better (for my research) to select the
last option, if the person questioned by them was not sure if the
changes took or did not take place in fact. I wanted, in this way,
to get the material for the specific/real changes that have occurred
in a particular place, rather than general knowledge of students
about the ongoing climate change and its consequences.
Students were told, that if they choose/select a positive answer
(Yes – changes have taken place) they will have to describe shortly
these changes – giving concrete examples. Six questions, included
in questionnaire, were as follows:
1. Do you think (or your parents/grandparents have told you) that
forest surfaces have decreased or some forests have disappeared?
2. Have you observed or your parents/grandparents have told
you about any changes in the water levels in lakes?
3. Have you observed or your parents have told you about any
changes in water flows in local rivers/streams?
4. Have you observed or your parents have told you about any
climate changes (for example: precipitations, temperatures, and
the span of wet/dry season?)
5. Do the peasants think that the fertility of soils has decreased
in your region?
6. Have you observed (or your parents have told you) that
some animals in your region have disappeared/or became extinct?
Students came from all administrative regions of Tanzania, but
most of the questionnaires were fulfilled in the regions of: Iringa,
Kagera, Kilimanjaro (respectively 21, 16, and 14 questionnaires),
the least in the regions of: Lindi, Mtwara, and Tabora (only one
questionnaire fulfilled).

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Jerzy Gilarowski

Questionnaires filled out by students provided 840 responses
(140 students/questionnaires x 6 questions). Considering all regions
of the country and all of the above six categories of environmental
change, 575 responses were positive (Yes, the changes have taken
place), which is 68.5% of all responses, 101 negative (12%), while
164 responses (19.5%) were neutral (the responders did not have
any knowledge on a given subject).
Taking into consideration the whole country (all regions) – the
first question (regarding changes in forest area) was positively answered by 70% of respondents, the second (the changes in the level
of water in lakes) was positively answered by 62.9% of respondents,
the third (changes in the flow of water in rivers) – 72.9%, the fourth
(changes in climate elements) – 85.7%, the fifth (changes in soil
fertility) – 77.1%, the sixth (the wildlife population) – by 42.1%
of respondents. The table below shows all responses.
To the first question, regarding changes in forest areas, respondents who ticked positive response, wrote mostly as a commentary,
that the forests round their villages disappear because people cut
down trees for firewood, charcoal production (which covers up to
90% of energy needs among Tanzanians) and in order to obtain
more arable land, and pasture for their herds (which is evidenced
by FAO reports1). Over 80% of respondents answered this question positively (Yes – changes have taken place) in regions such
as: Dodoma, Kagera, Kigoma, Lindi, Manyara, Mbeya, Morogoro,
Mtwara, Shinyanga, Singida and Tabora2. While the lowest percentage of positive responses to this question were in: Tanga, Dar
es Salaam/Pwani and Arusha (relatively: 25, 37.5 i 44.5%).
The low response rate in these regions is easy to explain. The
questionnaire shows that students who came from the region of
http://www.fao.org/forestry/country/57478/en/tza/ [23.04.2013].
Although it should be noted, that in Lindi, Mtwara and Tabora only one
questionnaire has been filled.
1
2

Y
4
3
3
13
13
6
9
1
3
4
11
6
1
6
1
2
4
4
1
1
2
98

N
2
4
0
4
2
0
1
0
0
1
0
0
0
3
1
0
0
1
0
3
0
22

1
?
3
1
0
4
1
1
4
0
0
1
1
0
0
3
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
20

Y
4
1
1
12
14
5
9
0
3
6
7
3
1
11
2
0
4
1
1
3
0
88

N
3
7
0
1
0
0
1
1
0
0
2
2
0
0
0
2
0
2
0
1
1
23

2
?
2
0
2
8
2
2
4
0
0
0
3
1
0
1
0
0
0
2
0
0
2
29

Y
N ?
Y
6
1 2
7
4
2 2
4
2
1 0
3
17 1 3 17
14 0 2 12
6
0 1
7
12 0 2 13
1
0 0
0
3
0 0
3
5
1 0
6
10 0 2 11
6
0 0
6
1
0 0
1
3
4 5 10
1
1 0
2
2
0 0
2
2
2 0
4
3
0 2
5
1
0 0
1
2
2 0
3
1
0 2
3
102 15 23 120

3
N ?
0 2
3 1
0 0
2 2
1 3
0 0
1 0
0 1
0 0
0 0
0 1
0 0
0 0
1 1
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
0 0
1 0
0 0
9 11

4
Y
N ?
6
1 2
4
3 1
2
1 0
16 2 3
15 0 1
4
1 2
13 1 0
1
0 0
2
0 1
5
1 0
11 0 1
4
1 1
1
0 0
6
2 4
2
0 0
2
0 0
4
0 0
4
1 0
1
0 0
4
0 0
1
1 1
108 15 17

5

Number of responses to individual questions

Y
3
4
1
7
7
4
3
0
3
3
8
1
1
1
1
2
2
4
1
2
1
59

N
1
2
0
2
0
0
1
1
0
2
2
4
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
17

6

Source: Students’ field studies, 2010

(9) – the number of completed questionnaires in the region
Y – Yes, changes have taken place; N – No, changes haven’t taken place; ? – I don’t know
Tot – the number of questions asked in the region (number of completed questionnaires x 6 questions)

Arusha (9)
Dar es Salaam + Pwani (8)
Dodoma (3)
Iringa (21)
Kagera (16)
Kigoma (7)
Kilimanjaro (14)
Lindi (1)
Manyara (3)
Mara (6)
Mbeya (12)
Morogoro (6)
Mtwara (1)
Mwanza (12)
Rukwa (2)
Shinyanga (2)
Singida (4)
Ruvuma (5)
Tabora (1)
Tanga 4
Zanzibar + Pemba (3)
Tanzania (140)

Region

?
5
2
2
12
9
3
10
0
0
1
2
1
0
10
1
0
2
1
0
1
2
64

The total number
of responses for
the region and for
the whole country
Tot Y N
?
54 30 8 16
48 20 21 7
18 12 2
4
126 82 12 32
96 75 3 18
42 32 1
9
84 59 5 20
6
3 2
1
18 17 0
1
36 29 5
2
72 58 4 10
36 26 7
3
6
6 0
0
72 37 11 24
12
9 2
1
0
12 10 2
24 20 2
2
30 21 4
5
6
6 0
0
24 15 8
1
18
8 2
8
840 575 101 164

Tab. 1. Comparison of responses to asked questions by administrative regions of Tanzania

Environmental change and adjustments...

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Jerzy Gilarowski

Dar es Salaam lived within the city or in the suburban districts
where the forests disappeared over thirty years ago (that now
there is nothing to deforest). In turn, in the region of Tanga forests occur on the high slopes of the Usambara Mountains, where
agriculture is sporadic (and therefore there is no deforestation),
while in Arusha, which is one of the driest regions of the country,
the predominant formation of the plant is dry savanna. Forests are
there only high in the mountains – on the slopes of Mount Meru
and the Ngorongoro crater, or in the vicinity of Lake Manyara (all
of these areas are protected as national parks).
It should be emphasized that deforestation (at least theoretically)
takes place mainly in areas not covered by the statutory protection,
which in Tanzania covers approximately 62% of the total area of​​
the country. In the most of aforementioned regions – Dodoma,
Lindi, Manyara, Morogoro, Mtwara, Shinyanga, Singida and Tabora
(according to surveys – some of the most vulnerable to deforestation), forest areas are largely outside protected areas. In these eight
regions, 100% of respondents noted a decrease in forest areas. It
should be emphasized that the perception of intensive deforestation
in Tanzania, obtained through the surveys, has its reflection in the
official FAO statistics (see table below). According to Global Forest
Resources Assessment, the deforestation rate in Tanzania in the
period 1990–2000 and 2000–2005 was 1% and 1.1%, respectively
(FAO, 2006, Global Forest Resources Assessment).
Tab. 2. Changes in forest area in Tanzania in the period 1990–2005
(in thousand hectares)
Category of wooded area according to FAO classification 1990

2000

2005

Forest

41 441 37 318 35 257

Other wooded land (woodland)

22 374 10 629 4 756

Forest + woodland

63 815 47 947 40 013

Source: http://www.fao.org/forestry/country/32185/en/tza/ (23.04.2013)

Environmental change and adjustments...

103

To the second question, regarding the changes of the levels of
water in lakes, the most positive responses (over 80%) were in
the following regions: Kagera, Manyara, Mara, Mwanza, Rukwa,
Singida and Tabora. No positive response was noted in the regions:
Lindi, Shinyanga, and Zanzibar, which resulted from the simple
fact that in these regions, or better say in the districts inhabited
by responders, there are no lakes (which was emphasized by respondents in the comment).
Those who positively responded to this question (Yes, changes
have taken place) mainly emphasized the fact that as a result of
intensive irrigations (catching the water from rivers) less water
flows in rivers and streams and as a result less water enters into
the lakes. Some also pointed out that it may be due to the decrease
of precipitations (rainfall) in the last 30 years (according to the
information received from their parents and grandparents). Most
respondents gave examples of decreased level of water not only
in small bodies of water (such as Lake Babati in Arusha region,
Lake Ikimba in Kagera region, Lake Jipo in Kilimanjaro region, the
artificial water dam Mtera in Iringa region), but also in a large-area
lakes such as: Victoria, Tanganyika, Malawi, Rukwa, Manyara.
In Kagera region, 10 respondents (out of 16) noticed a marked
reduction of water in Victoria Lake, while in Mara region – 2 respondents (out of 6) noticed the same phenomenon. Respondents,
in accordance, wrote that the former lake level is clearly marked
on the shore, especially in the quays of the port cities – in Bukoba
and Mwanza. A similar situation occurred in the Lake Tanganyika.
Former water level is marked on the quays in ports in Kigoma and
Ujiji. Several respondents wrote that on the Lake Tanganyika, near
the town of Kibirizi, at present one can see some rocks above the
surface of the water, where 20–30 years ago you could not see
them, and on the Lake Victoria, in the Sengerema district, some
offshore islands joined the mainland.

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Jerzy Gilarowski

To the question concerning changes of water flow in rivers,
more than 80% of positive answers were in the following regions
(12): Iringa, Kagera, Kigoma, Kilimanjaro, Lindi, Manyara, Mara,
Mbeya, Morogoro, Mtwara, Shinyanga and Tabora. On the other
hand, only in the regions of Mwanza and Zanzibar response rate
was less than 50 (25 and 33%, respectively). It is worth noting
that the latter two regions plus the region of Dar es Salaam (together with Pwani)3 and Lindi were rated by the respondents as
the least changed of all4.
Like as in the case of lakes, respondents gave examples of decreasing water flow in small and big rivers. The main reasons for
the decrease in water flow in rivers are irrigations and deforestation. A spectacular example of the decreasing amount of water is
The Great Ruaha River. I have had the opportunity to personally
observe this phenomenon for several years. Not only does this
river carry less water, but it also dries up the swamps in its basin.
One of the consequences of the decrease in the flow of water
(and drying of smaller streams) is the lowering of the groundwater
level. This phenomenon is especially present in the dry central part
of the country (the respondents wrote about the lowering of the
water level in wells in Dodoma and its surroundings).
Tab. 3. Rivers and streams in which the respondents observed
a change in water flow
Region
Arusha
Dar es Salaam + Pwani
Dodoma
Iringa

River/stream
Rau, and streams near Karatu
Mbezi, Msimbazi, Tegeta
Streams in vicinity of Dodoma
Great Ruaha

Previously Dar es Salaam and Pwani were considered as Coastal region.
Taking into account all environmental changes – they received from 42 to
52% of positive answers.
3
4

Environmental change and adjustments...

105

Kagera
Kigoma
Kilimanjaro

Kagera, Ngono, Kabalobi
Muhanga, Mtunguruzi, Kumwambu
Kikafu, Mwanjo, and streams flowing down the slopes
of Kilimanjaro

Lindi
Manyara
Morogoro
Mwanza
Rukwa
Shinyanga
Ruvuma

Rondo
Bubu, streams in districts Babati and Kondoa
Kilombero, Ruhembe
Mwongo
Nzovwe, Kisa, Mtovisa
Homs
Ruvuma

Source: Students’ field studies, 2010

The fourth question, regarding the observed climate change,
received the most positive responses from all the questions (85.7%
answers were positive – Yes, changes have taken place). In most regions, the positive responses accounted for over 90% of all responses.
However, in the region of Dar es Salaam, there were only 50% of
positive answers. In Lindi region, where only one questionnaire was
filled, the respondent pointed out the answer – I do not know. It is
worth emphasizing that in almost all regions respondents stressed
the following facts: precipitation decreased, air temperature rose and
the length of the rainy season shortened. The temperature increase
is observed especially in the higher altitude areas, which have been
told so far to be “cool” – for example, Iringa, and Mbeya. Respondents wrote that nowadays winter is not as cold as it used to be, and
one of the consequences is an increase of mosquitoes, and thus the
increased incidence of malaria. The increase in the occurrence of
malaria was also observed in the regions of Kigoma and Manyara.
The increase of temperature has been registered by weather
stations. According to Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
(2007), the temperature in Africa within XX century rose by
1.0°C. According to the same source, in the period between 1970

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Jerzy Gilarowski

and 2004, in the eastern, central, and north-eastern part of Tanzania the increase in temperature was 0.2–1.0°C and in western,
south-western and southern Tanzania between 1.0 and 2.0°C5.
Projections for 2030 indicate that the region will get more rain but
become drier as temperatures rise6. For Tanzania, the predicted
increase in temperature is between 2.5°C and 4.0°C.7 Parts of the
country are projected to receive more rainfall, while the rest of
the country – including the drought-prone southern areas – will
receive less. Owing to that, the maize productivity is projected to
fall in Tanzania in some simulations by 33%8.
According to the respondents, the visible consequences of the
decrease in precipitation so far are: decline of yields (Singida),
single maize harvest during the year instead of two harvests (once
in Rungwe), replacement of maize, which requires a bigger amount
of water by other, less water demanding crops (Songea).
A spectacular consequence of climate change is the gradual
melting of the snows on Mount Kilimanjaro and, as mentioned
earlier, the reduction of water flow in rivers and streams flowing
down its slopes.
Several respondents highlighted the fact that the climate is becoming more unstable and unpredictable – for example droughts
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, 2007, Synthesis Report, Valencia, Spain, 12–17 November 2007
6
According to the respondents, there was a rainfall decrease during the last
30 years, but according to meteorological data, the precipitation remained the
same (in general, taking under consideration the whole territory of the country). Higher temperatures, however, intensified the evapotranspiration, and as
a consequence less water was available. That is why, in opinion of respondents,
there was a rainfall decrease.
7
Murray L., Orindi V., 2005, Adapting to Climate Change in East Africa: A Strategic Approach, Gatekeeper Series 117, International Institute for Environment
and Development, London.
8
Ibidem
5

Environmental change and adjustments...

107

(Iringa, Kagera) and floods (Iringa, Morogoro) are more frequent.
Despite the fact that the amount of rainfall (per year) in some
places remains the same, the shorter rain season causes more
torrential rains, which leads to frequent floods.
The fifth question (about soil changes), also in the whole country,
achieved a high rate of positive responses (77.1). More than 90% of
positive responses were noted in 10 regions: Kagera, Kilimanjaro,
Lindi, Mbeya, Mtwara, Rukwa, Shinyanga, Singida, Tabora and
Tanga. In other regions, the positive responses constituted 50 percent
or more. Only for Zanzibar and Pemba each of the three respondents
indicated three different answers – Yes, No, I do not know.
Respondents mostly wrote that the decline in soil fertility expresses a significant reduction in crop yields. According to them, the
deterioration of the soil quality was mainly caused by its overexploitation (population growth → increase in the intensity of cultivation/
pasture overgrazing → decline in soil fertility) in the conditions of
simultaneous unpredictable pattern in the rainfall schedule.
Most of the respondents wrote that today, without the use of
chemical fertilizers, they cannot obtain such high yield as in the
past. However, the use of chemical fertilizers or – as part of the
respondents wrote – incompetent use of them, causes the deterioration of soil fertility (students gave several examples from the
regions of Dar es Salaam, Iringa, Kagera, Kigoma, Kilimanjaro).
All this means that in order to produce enough food for increasing
demands (because of population growth), the peasants have to
get new land for cultivation. The only way to achieve it is cutting
down the natural vegetation in the vicinity.
The sixth question related to possible changes in wildlife population. In a positive way (Yes – changes have taken place) less than
half of the respondents (42%) answered this question. It is worth
noting that only to this question (out of six) positive responses do
not constitute a majority. At the same time, it is worth noting the

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Jerzy Gilarowski

fact that the negative responses (No – changes have not taken place)
accounted for an even smaller percentage (only 12%). Most of the
respondents have indicated the answer – I do not know (46%). This
was, unfortunately, largely due to the fact that a significant proportion of respondents took into account changes in the population of
wild animals before, when writing a comment to the second question, relating to the depletion of forests (deforestation entails the
disappearance of some animal species). Therefore, answering the
question number six, significant proportion of respondents indicated
neutral response – I do not know (to avoid a kind of repetition, as
I was informed later in the classroom). In this case the responses
to this question have given quite a distorted picture of the changes
in wildlife. It seems that in this case only taking under consideration the number of positive responses (59) and negative ones (17),
except for neutral responses (64), will give a more reliable picture
of the perception of the change in wildlife.
As the comments to this question, respondents stressed that
generally outside of protected areas there are less and less wild
animals. In six regions respondents noted the disappearance of
lions, and in three regions disappearance of elephants, antelopes
and hyenas. In individual regions respondents noted the disappearance of buffaloes, giraffes, cheetahs, gazelles, wild pigs, rabbits,
hares, and many species of birds. Most of respondents indicated
that the main factor in the extinction of animals in certain areas,
or moving to other areas, was and is the deforestation.
The following table shows the share of positives answers (Yes –
changes have taken place) to the three asked questions (Yes, No, I do
not know) in different regions. For the reasons mentioned above, with
respect to the sixth question only, the column – Wildlife – shows the
share of positive responses to the sum of positive and negative ones.
The above table shows that in Tanzania 76.2% of all questions
about the observed environmental changes were answered posi-

Source: Students’ field studies, 2010

Region
(the number between the brackets
indicates the number of respondents/
1.
questionnaires per region)
Forests
Arusha (9)
44,4
Dar es Salaam + Pwani (8)
37,5
Dodoma (3)
100,0
Iringa (21)
61,9
Kagera (16)
81,2
Kigoma (7)
85,7
Kilimanjaro (14)
64,3
Lindi (1)
100,0
Manyara (3)
100,0
Mara (6)
66,7
Mbeya (12)
91,7
Morogoro (6)
100,0
Mtwara (1)
100,0
Mwanza (12)
50,0
Rukwa (2)
50,0
Shinyanga (2)
100,0
Singida (4)
100,0
Ruvuma (5)
80,0
Tabora (1)
100,0
Tanga 4
25,0
Zanzibar + Pemba (3)
66,7
Tanzania (140)
70,0
2.
Lakes
44,4
12,5
33,3
57,1
87,5
71,4
64,3
0,0
100,0
100,0
58,3
50,0
100,0
91,7
100,0
0,0
100,0
20,0
100,0
75,0
0,0
62,9

3.
Rivers
66,7
50,0
66,7
81,0
87,5
85,7
85,7
100,0
100,0
83,3
83,3
100,0
100,0
25,0
50,0
100,0
50,0
60,0
100,0
50,0
33,3
72,9

4.
Climate
77,8
50,0
100,0
81,0
75,0
100,0
92,9
0,0
100,0
100,0
91,7
100,0
100,0
83,3
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
75,0
100,0
85,7

5.
Soils
66,7
50,0
66,7
76,2
93,7
57,1
92,9
100,0
66,7
83,3
91,7
66,7
100,0
50,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
80,0
100,0
100,0
33,3
77,1

Categories of environmental change

Tab. 4. The percentage of positive answers by administrative regions
The percentage of
positive answers to all
questions (an average
6.
of 6 questions)
Wildlife
75,0
62,5
66,7
44,4
100,0
77,8
77,8
72,5
100,0
87,5
100,0
83,3
75,0
79,2
0,0
50,0
100,0
94,4
60,0
82,2
80,0
82,8
20,0
72,8
100,0
100,0
50,0
58,3
100,0
83,3
100,0
83,3
100,0
91,7
100,0
73,3
100,0
100,0
66,7
65,3
100,0
55,6
77,6
76,2

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109

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Jerzy Gilarowski

tively. As can be seen from the table, the most altered regions in
terms of environmental change (taking into account the percentage
of positive answers – Yes, changes have taken place) are: Mtwara,
Tabora (100% of positive answers)9, Manyara, Singida (over 90%)
and Kagera, Kigoma, Rukwa, Shinyanga, Mara and Mbeya (80%).
The regions of the slightest environmental changes are: Dar es
Salaam + Pwani (44.4%), Lindi (50.0%), Pemba, Zanzibar +
(55.6), Mwanza (58.3% of positive answers).
According to the survey, among 6 categories of environmental change, the changes in the elements of climate were mostly
noticed (85.7% of positive answers). It should be emphasized,
that the symptoms of climate change in Tanzania presented by
respondents reflect the global climate change patterns. Globally
and locally, the irregular rains decrease amounts of accessible
water. Global warming will produce significant changes in evaporation and precipitation, and, as a result the hydrological cycle,
will be more unpredictable. Higher air temperatures will increase
evaporation from the oceans, and evaporation from land, so less
water will be available in soils, lakes and rivers. These changes
will modify rainfall patterns and will produce more extreme
weather events, including floods and droughts (what is taking
place in Tanzania, and what has been described by respondents
in questionnaires).
The decreasing amount of accessible water is a phenomenon
that the whole world is facing. It is also connected with the increase
of population, which is taking place mainly in poor countries,
and lack of investments in irrigation, and water infrastructure in
general (Tanzania is an example). The decrease in the amount of
accessible water in the World is presented on the following graph.
It should be noted, however, that in these regions only one questionnaire
was filled.
9

Environmental change and adjustments...

111

Fig. 1. Decrease in the amount of accessible
water per person in the group of the chosen
countries in the years 1950–2000
Source: UNDP, 2006, Human Development Report. Beyond
Scarcity: Power, poverty and the global water crisis, New York.

Human Development Report (2006) foreshadows that the
amount of population facing water scarcity will be growing above
all in the poorest regions of the world. For instance, in 1990, in
Sub-Saharan Africa 100 million people lived under conditions of
water shortage. In 2005, this amount rose to 300 million but it is
estimated that in 2025 it will come to 750 million people.
How, and at which degree will this water shortage influence
development in the world’s poorest countries? In African countries
with subequatorial climate there is a close relationship between
rainfall amount and Gross Domestic Product. It mainly results
from the dependence of those countries’ economies (which mostly
rely on agriculture) on water supply, which due to the lack of
retention depends on rainfall regime. In Sub-Saharan Africa only
3% of land under cultivation is irrigated and in Tanzania about

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Jerzy Gilarowski

Fig. 2. GDP mirrors rainfall regime in Ethiopia
Source: UNDP, 2006, Human Development Report, op. cit.

5–10%10. The remaining 90–95% of farmland depends merely on
climatic conditions. The figure below illustrates the dependence of
Sub-Saharan Africa’s agriculture (national economy in general) on
the rainfall regime. The figure presents the situation in Ethiopia,
but the same situation and the same mechanism can be observed
in other countries of this region.
The figure below presents the relationship between climate
change and cereal productivity in Africa. As it can be seen on the
map, the most significant fall in productivity in Tanzania, in the
period 2000–2080, will be partially in Tanga, Iringa, Ndjombe and
Mtwara regions. The productivity will decrease also in south-east,
west and north-west of the country. As it was mentioned before,
because of the decrease of the available water for crop production, the maize productivity is projected to fall in Tanzania up to
10

UNDP, 2006. Human Development Report, op. cit.

Environmental change and adjustments...

113

Fig. 3. Climate change and cereal productivity in Africa
Source: Fisher and others, 2005, in: UNDP, Human Development Report, 2006

2030 by 33%11. Taking these facts into consideration, the following question arises – what Tanzania should do to face the consequences of climate change (or more specifically – the decrease
in productivity, and finally – a shortage of food)? In my opinion
a set of actions should be undertaken, and should work in concert.
11

Murray, L., Orindi, V., 2005, op. cit.

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Jerzy Gilarowski

The main of them are: to change/adjust the existing structure of
crop production to climatic changes, to improve the techniques of
cultivation, to build well studied irrigation systems, and finally to
create functional system of food storage.
Adaptation of the structure of production to climate change
should take place mainly in these areas, in which, for various reasons, the irrigation systems will not be built (for example, adverse
topographical and geological conditions). Plants with less water
and soil requirements should replace these with higher requirements (for example, sorghum instead of corn or cassava instead of
potatoes). Appropriate/optimal choice of crops should be carried
out with the help of extension officers.
With the change of cultivated plants, production techniques will
also change. The most important change will aim to reduce evapotranspiration and retain water in the soil. There are many ways
of doing that. The simplest and a very effective one is a complete
coverage of the field during the growing season by unused parts of
crops from the previous harvest (leaves, stems) and increasing the
amount of humus in soil (humus is an excellent water absorbent).
The biggest challenge, however, puts the construction of irrigation
systems and water retention. All water projects must be coordinated
with one another to avoid situations in which one system is running
against another – for example depriving it of water. This will require
not only carrying out the specialized research/surveys (for example
geomorphological and hydrological), but it must also take into account the existing technical infrastructure and functioning economic
linkages. Also, demographic situation must be analyzed so that the
implementation of the projects did not lead to the social conflicts.
A deficiency of any good always creates conflicts at the local,
regional, national or international level. Solving conflicts within the
country is the responsibility of the government and local authorities. However, the greatest threat to peace creates the claim to the

Environmental change and adjustments...

115

same natural resource by several countries. In the case of East and
North-East Africa, climate change, and thus a reduction in access to
water, can lead to conflict between the countries lying in this region.
The potential and very real conflict is connected with the access
to water from the Nile and may involve 9 African countries situated
on its shores. The tensions over water among these countries are
becoming more and more apparent and show the significant role
played by that river in economy and politics of those countries. So
far, the rules concerning the Nile water consumption were based,
to a wide extent, on a colonial agreement dating back to 1929,
signed by Great Britain (that controlled a vast part of the Nile basin), independent Egypt and Sudan that was under control of Great
Britain and Egypt. As a result of this agreement, Egypt was allowed
to consume annually 48 billion cubic meters of the Nile water, while
Sudan 4 billion cubic meters. Furthermore, Egypt obtained the
right to monitor the Nile water flow in the countries located in the
upper part of the basin, as well as to hinder there any investments
involving the Nile water intake (if such investments could reduce
the river level). As a result, any commission of irrigation system or
dams on the Nile and its tributaries required Egyptian agreement.
In 1959 the governments of Egypt and independent Sudan signed
another agreement which stated that both countries had the right
to 90% of the Nile water consumption (80% for Egypt and 10% for
Sudan). The remaining countries situated at the river basin, which
were not asked for any approval (they were still European colonies),
were left with only 10%. Such division was based on the signatories’ assumption that rainfall rates in the southern countries are big
enough so that they do not need to consume the Nile water, while
Egypt and Sudan depend entirely on the river. Egypt was entitled
to veto any investment on the Nile and its tributaries.
After all the countries in the Nile basin gained independence,
they started suggesting that the water division is unjust. Already in

116

Jerzy Gilarowski

1961, in the independence year, the president of Tanzania, Julius
Nyerere announced that agreements between Egypt and Sudan
do not apply to Tanzania. At the same time he stressed the fact
that his country is ready for negotiations with regard to a new,
just water division12. Since then other countries in the Nile basin
have also been making similar statements, however, due to the
lack of funds for water investments these were only temporary
expressions of discontent. On the other hand, the growing problem of more and more common droughts in the region, especially
severe in Ethiopia, has led in recent years to widespread criticism
of Egyptian-Sudanese agreement. In May 2009, seven countries
of the Nile basin: Burundi, Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania and Uganda accepted a new
agreement that entitled them to wider water consumption in the
Nile and its tributaries. However, the governments of Egypt and
Sudan do not want to discuss any changes in the already existing
agreement. They do not want to accept any reduction in the Nile
water consumption.
The relations between Egypt and Sudan and the other countries
of the Nile basin are very tense and finding a solution certainly
will not be easy. On the one hand, Egypt and Sudan are almost
completely dependent on water from the Nile. On the other hand,
other countries faced more and more often with drought problems
(which are connected with global warming) demand the right to
investments without Egyptian consent. It is difficult to explain to
them why they cannot build irrigation systems without Egyptian
permission and consequently eliminate the spectre of hunger. Fields’
irrigation is a priority for Ethiopia with its 80-million population,
with half of Ethiopians living in the Nile basin. It is also particularly
The Citizen, What’s next in row on Nile Waters, Wednesday, 26 May 2010,
Dar es Salaam.
12

Environmental change and adjustments...

117

important for the drier, north-eastern part of Tanzania, as well as
for eastern Rwanda and Burundi.
It is hard to disagree with arguments presented by both sides
of the conflict. There are requests for more benefits and there are
some threats too. Subsequent presidents of Egypt threatened with
military intervention in case of reduction in water flow in the Nile
caused by any country situated in the basin. The Prime Minister of
Ethiopia, Meles Zenawi, has even announced that if Egypt tried to
prohibit his country the Nile water consumption, then it would have
to occupy Ethiopia. He also said that Egypt, which is covered with
desert, has troops of soldiers trained for fighting in a jungle, which
probably means that they are prepared for battles in jungles of East
African countries13. It seems that no one is going to retreat as it is
the matter of “to be or not to be”. And it is probably high time the
United Nations and the African Union dealt with this serious issue.
* * *
In 2013, I repeated the same survey using the same questionnaires, but this time at the University of Iringa. The study involved
90 students of the Faculty of Science and Education. As in the
case of Dodoma, students were attending my lecture on Climatology, and the study took place during the Easter break. In the
meantime Tanzania changed the administrative division of the
country – a couple of new regions have been created due to the
division of some pre-existing ones. The new regions were taken
into consideration. On the other hand, because there were no
students from Tabora and Zanzibar this time, we cannot compare
the results of 2010 and 2013 surveys in these regions. The results
of 2013 survey show the two tables below.
The Citizen, The Nile: Is a big water war looming?, Saturday, 29 May, 2010,
Dar es Salaam.
13

Y
10
2
2
1
9
3
2
7
1
1
3
22
3
1
4
3
1
4
2
1
7
89

1
N
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
1

? Y N ?
0 3 1 6
1 1 1 1
0 1 0 1
0 1 0 0
0 3 4 2
0 1 0 2
0 2 0 0
1 4 2 2
0 0 1 0
0 1 0 0
0 3 0 0
0 13 6 3
0 1 1 1
0 1 0 0
0 3 1 0
0 1 0 2
0 1 0 0
0 3 2 0
0 0 1 1
0 0 0 1
0 4 0 3
2 47 20 25

2
Y
7
3
0
1
5
1
2
7
1
1
1
18
3
1
4
3
1
3
0
0
7
69

N
3
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
2
0
1
0
7

3
?
0
0
2
0
4
2
0
1
0
0
2
3
0
0
0
0
0
0
2
0
0
16

Y
8
2
2
1
5
2
1
7
1
1
3
18
3
1
3
2
1
4
2
0
6
73

N
1
0
0
0
3
0
0
1
0
0
0
2
0
0
1
0
0
1
0
1
1
11

4
? Y N
1 9 0
1 3 0
0 1 0
0 1 0
1 8 1
1 3 0
1 1 0
0 7 1
0 0 1
0 1 0
0 3 0
2 20 2
0 3 0
0 0 1
0 3 1
1 3 0
0 1 0
0 5 0
0 2 0
0 1 0
0 5 1
8 80 8

5

6
? Y N ?
1 9 1 0
0 2 0 1
1 0 0 2
0 1 0 0
0 5 2 2
0 3 0 0
1 2 0 0
0 4 3 1
0 1 0 0
0 1 0 0
0 3 0 0
0 14 6 2
0 3 0 0
0 1 0 0
0 2 1 1
0 2 0 1
0 1 0 0
0 3 2 0
0 0 1 1
0 1 0 0
1 3 2 2
4 61 18 13

Number of responses to individual questions

Source: Students’ field studies, 2013

(10) – the number of completed questionnaires in the region
Y – Yes, changes have taken place; N – No, changes haven’t taken place; ? – I don’t know
Tot – the number of questions asked in the region (number of completed questionnaires x 6 questions)

Arusha (10)
Dar es Salaam + Pwani (3)
Dodoma (2)
Geita (1)
Iringa (9)
Kagera (3)
Kigoma (2)
Kilimanjaro (8)
Lindi (1)
Manyara (1)
Mara (3)
Mbeya (22)
Morogoro (3)
Mtwara (1)
Mwanza (4)
Nyombe (3)
Rukwa (1)
Ruvuma (5)
Shinyanga (2)
Singida (1)
Tanga (7)
Tanzania (92)

Region

The total number
of responses for the
region and for the
whole country
Tot
Y
N
?
60
46
6
8
18
13
1
4
12
6
0
6
6
6
0
0
54
35
10
9
18
13
0
5
12
10
0
2
48
36
7
5
6
4
2
0
6
6
0
0
18
16
0
2
132 105 17
10
18
16
1
1
6
5
1
0
24
19
4
1
0
4
18
14
6
6
0
0
30
22
8
0
12
6
2
4
6
3
2
1
42
32
4
6
552 419 65
68

Tab. 5. Comparison of responses to asked questions by administrative regions of Tanzania (respondents/
students from the University of Iringa)

118
Jerzy Gilarowski

Source: Students’ field studies, 2013

Region
(the number between the brackets
indicates the number of respondents/
questionnaires per region)
Arusha (10)
Dar es Salaam + Pwani (3)
Dodoma (2)
Geita (1)
Iringa (9)
Kagera (3)
Kigoma (2)
Kilimanjaro (8)
Lindi (1)
Manyara (1)
Mara (3)
Mbeya (22)
Morogoro (3)
Mtwara (1)
Mwanza (4)
Nyombe (3)
Rukwa (1)
Ruvuma (5)
Shinyanga (2)
Singida (1)
Tanga (7)
Tanzania (92)
1.
Forests
100,0
66,7
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
87,5
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
80,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
96,7

2.
Lakes
30,0
33,3
50,0
100,0
33,3
33,3
100,0
50,0
0,0
100,0
100,0
59,1
33,3
100,0
75,0
33,3
100,0
60,0
0,0
0,0
57,1
51,1

3.
Rivers
70,0
100,0
0,0
100,0
55,6
33,3
0,0
87,5
100,0
33,3
33,3
81,8
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
60,0
0,0
0,0
100,0
75,0

4.
Climate
80,0
66,7
100,0
100,0
55,6
66,7
50,0
87,5
100,0
100,0
100,0
81,8
100,0
100,0
75,0
66,7
100,0
80,0
100,0
0,0
85,7
80,7

5.
Soils
90,0
100,0
50,0
100,0
88,9
100,0
50,0
87,5
0,0
100,0
100,0
90,9
100,0
0,0
75,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
100,0
71,4
81,1

Categories of environmental change

The percentage of
positive answers to all
6.
questions (an average
Wildlife
of 6 questions)
90,0
76,7
66,7
72,3
0,0
50,0
100,0
100,0
55,6
64,8
100,0
72,2
100,0
66,7
50,0
75,0
100,0
66,7
100,0
88,9
100,0
88,9
63,6
79,6
100,0
88,9
100,0
83,3
50,0
79,2
66,7
77,8
100,0
100,0
60,0
73,3
0,0
50,0
100,0
50,0
42,9
76,2
73,6
76,4

Tab. 6. The percentage of positive answers by administrative regions (respondents/students from
the University of Iringa)

Environmental change and adjustments...

119

120

Jerzy Gilarowski

References
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, (2007), Synthesis Report,
Valencia, Spain, 12–17 November, 2007.
Murray L., Orindi V., (2005), Adapting to Climate Change in East Africa:
A Strategic Approach, Gatekeeper Series 117, International Institute for Environment and Development, London.
“The Citizen”, What’s next in row on Nile Waters, Wednesday, 26 May
2010, Dar es Salaam.
“The Citizen”, The Nile: Is a big water war looming?, Saturday, 29 May,
2010, Dar es Salaam.
UNDP, 2006, Human Development Report. Beyond Scarcity: Power, poverty and the global water crisis, New York, http://www.fao.org/
forestry/country/32185/en/tza/ (February 2015).

Flora O. Kasumba & Mr. Robert Lukelo

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
AND GRADUATE UNEMPLOYMENT IN TANZANIA
Abstract
In Tanzania, following the liberalization of higher education from the
mid-1990-s, the number of graduates has been growing each year. This
has resulted in the creation of a growing number of job-seeking alumni. If
the motive behind cost sharing is to cut down enrollment and ultimately
reduce the unemployment rate among graduates, then it will take time for
the results of this measure to be visible. At institutional level, there have
been initiatives such as reviewing academic programmes to make them
more marketable and advocating for education which aims at educating
job creators and not job seekers.
Notwithstanding this backdrop, employment opportunities for graduates are limited. Currently, many higher education graduates are facing
a dilemma as to whether they should continue with the job search or go
for further studies. However, none of these options is readily accessible
to many of these graduates.
Flora O. Kasumba – PhD, Dean of Faculty of Social Sciences, currently teaching at University of Iringa (UoI) Tanzania, Faculty of Education and Social Sciences. Her research concerns teaching and learning in
higher education. She contributed a chapter on Sustainable Development
and Youth Employment in Tanzania.
Robert Lukelo – Master’s degree in Community Development and
Project Management at UoI. Together with other two Iringa University
College alumni he owns an Animation and Visual Effects company which
is based in Dar es Salaam Tanzania. He is a co-author of a chapter on
Sustainable Development and Youth Employment in Tanzania.

122

Flora O. Kasumba & Mr. Robert Lukelo

Successful implementation of a plan that addresses graduates’ unemployment problem in Tanzania requires the presence of graduates’
knowledge, skills, and a supportive environment. It is in the light of this,
that this paper discusses sustainable development as one of the avenues
for employment opportunities whereby a larger proportion of these
graduates will not join the job searching band, but given their knowledge
and skills they will use available resources to improve their well-being
without compromising the needs of the next generation.
This paper attempts to answer the following questions: What do
graduates choose or wish to have? What has been available? How can
their goals be realized?

Background of Sustainable Development
At the global level, the term ‘Sustainable Development” can be
traced back to the United Nations Conference on human environment, held in Stockholm in 1972. It is used to refer to development
which meets the needs of the current generation without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their needs (UN,
1989). Twenty years after the Stockholm conference, in 1992, the
term became prominent in the discussions that made the global
environment a matter of priority. The United Nations World Summit (2005) affirmed the concept of sustainability, economic, social
and environmental factors that need to be taken into consideration and their cultural context. Further Sustainable Development
philosophy has evolved to show how individuals and communities
behave and interact with the earth.
At the level of education, sustainable development has been
defined as the process of equipping students with knowledge and
understanding, skills and attributes needed to work and live in
a way that safeguards environmental, social and economic wellbeing, both in the present and for future generations (UN, 2005). In
essence, sustainable development in education entails an enabling

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND GRADUATE...

123

environment in which student factors including their age, gender,
background and the teaching context interact to facilitate learning
that promotes self-regulated learning, critical thinking, creativity
and commitment to the well-being of self and others.
The assumption is that the education system would enable
students to acquire these skills and attributes so that they are able
to find employment. However, there is a growing global outcry for
skills mismatch among young people (ILO, 2014). The report also
shows that youth employment rate and projections by regions of
the world is on an upward trend.
This paper reflects key issues in the national policies and
practice in the provision of higher education in Tanzania along
the lines of Sustainable Development. It also highlights the provision of higher education in the country and the general outcry
for graduate employment in the country. Although this paper
addresses higher education, graduate reference is also made to
youth employment status and occasionally the term is used to
refer to both.
Sustainable development is not a new concept in the policies
that have governed the provision of education in Tanzania. The
baseline has been the provision of education which is relevant
to society. The purpose of Education for Self Reliance (ESR),
for example, was to impart values of cooperation, sharing and
service to the community. It also directed the curriculum to integrate theoretical and practical skills. In essence, ESR had the
potential for the development of attributes and skills such as
team spirit, problem solving skills and commitment. These attributes closely match global goals for sustainable development
in education.
In practice, the concept of Sustainable Development in Tanzania has been articulated through both the Higher Education
Policy (1999) and the National Strategic Development Plan

124

Flora O. Kasumba & Mr. Robert Lukelo

(2010). The Tanzania National Higher Education Policy (1999),
for example, points out the need for changing higher education
sector through:
– Need for specialized skills;
– Need for new emerging areas of science and technology e.g.
biotechnology, environmental science, genetic engineering,
microelectronics and informatics;
– Need for entrepreneurship;
– Need for globalization and international competitiveness;
– Need for sustainability of higher education by resource
reallocation;
– Need for social democracy and good governance.
However, the realization of these needs has been complicated
by increased enrollment and dwindling resources allocation. From
this understanding this paper reviews the provision of higher
education and graduate unemployment in Tanzania within the
context of sustainable development.

Higher education development in Tanzania
Since independence in 1961, Tanzania has been guided by
the Manpower Requirement Approach (MRA) in its expansion
of higher education. As a result of limited government resources
allocation, higher education expansion was difficult to achieve.
This explains why for more than three decades there has been only
one higher education institution in the country, the University of
Dar es Salaam.
From 1961, when the first university was established in Tanzania, to the early 1990-s, higher education provision was solely
controlled by the government. In an attempt to expand opportunities for higher education, many of the private institutions were established after 1996 (TCU, 2007). In spite of this, higher education

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND GRADUATE...

125

attendance in Tanzania has been low compared to other countries
in East and Central Africa. Table 1 shows higher education enrollment trends in Tanzania over a fifty-year period.
Table 1: Higher education enrollment over a fifty-year period
Year

1961

1981

2001

2011

Number of university graduates

14

2,586

14,568

135,367

Source: Basic Education Statistics in Tanzania: Various Years.

It should be also understood that higher education in Tanzania
has been characterized by two contending variables. The first is
the social demand for higher education. Although the government placed restrictions on higher education expansion, there
was a growing demand for this level of education particularly
due to expansion of primary education especially through the
Universal Primary Education (UPE) programme between 1974
and 1978, and the subsequent expansion of secondary school
education. The second is the limited available higher education
opportunities whereby over the years efforts to expand higher
education could not match the needs of students who qualified
for public universities.
Following the liberalization of higher education from the mid1990-s, the number of graduates has been growing each year.
This trend is to be traced back to 1980-s when Tanzania embarked
upon the structural adjustment programmes that included the
privatization of education and other services. Thus, from the mid1990-s, Tanzania started to witness the expansion of the higher
education sector through the establishment of higher education
learning institutions and emergence of diverse programmes in
both public and private sectors of higher education. Table 2 shows
higher education enrollment trends in Tanzania over some years.

126

Flora O. Kasumba & Mr. Robert Lukelo

Table 2: Students enrollment in higher education from 2006/2007
to 2010/2011
Year

2006/2007 2007/2008 2008/2009 2009/2010 2010/2011
82,529
101,222
123,434
135,367
No. of students 49,967
enrolled
Source: TCU, (2013).

According to the Tanzania Commission for Universities’ (TCU,
2007), the annual enrollment of fresh graduates in Tanzania in
both public and private universities and university colleges in the
year 2006/07 was about 49,967 students.
Traditionally, university education or formal education has generally been considered to be the passport to the paid employment
and the government was the main employer. However, following
the liberalization of higher education from the mid-1990-s, the
number of graduates has been growing each year. This has resulted
in the creation of a growing number of job seeking alumni.
The introduction of Government Students Loans in the
2005/2006 academic year has provided opportunities for a large
number of Tanzanians to get admission to university. Notwithstanding the growing number of graduates, those who are employed
constitute only a small fraction of those who graduate from higher
education institutions. A larger proportion of those who do not
get into employment is high. For example, every year less than
ten percent of school and college graduates in Tanzania find employment in the formal sector (World Bank, 2014). According to
the report, this group of youth consists of college graduates from
almost more than 25 accredited higher education institutions. It
has also been reported that there were 324,597 higher education
graduates in Tanzania in 2012 (URT, 2015).
The growing number of unemployed graduates shows that job
vacancies available are not enough to absorb the graduates. The

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND GRADUATE...

127

system and education acquired at the universities have little effect
on promoting the unemployed youth to create their own jobs. This
has resulted in the creation of a growing number of job seeking
alumni. As a result of cultural attitudes, graduates are unwilling
to get into self-employment because of lack of knowledge, skills
and financial capability, and lack of right social attitudes (Youth
Research Foundation in Tanzania, 2014). As a result, there is an
endless job hunting phenomenon.
The ILO 2007–2017 report projections show that in most regions
of the world youth unemployment rate is on an upward trend. It
is even more so in the Sub-Saharan region. Comparatively, figures
for youth unemployment in Tanzania appear to be lower. However,
the state of unemployment among youth has reached proportions
that are difficult to control. Lack of the required skills is one of the
factors that impinge on youth employment. The major problem
has been that of skills mismatch and it has tended to be more
prevalent among young women than men (ILO, 2013). This may
explain why youth tends to work in irregular jobs, or go for jobs
that are lower compared to their educational level or keep moving
from one job to another. The ILO report further projects a longterm impact of the employment crisis and poor quality, informal,
subsistence job in developing countries.
Studies show that Tanzania has more than 24-million-labour
force capable of getting involved in production, however most
graduates believe that formal employment is the best option for
employment. The number of vacancies announced cannot be compared to the number of graduates who seek employment, Young
Researchers Foundation Tanzania (YRFT), (2014).
Figure 1 shows the multitude of job seeking alumni, assembled
at the national stadium in Dar es Salaam, and taking part in the
preliminary exercise of filling forms for a job interview. Out of this
entire crowd only 70 job vacancies were available.

128

Flora O. Kasumba & Mr. Robert Lukelo

1. In June 2014, more than 10,000 graduates were called for a job interview in Dar es
Salaam for 70 job positions which were announced by the Ministry of Home Affairs
Source: Mathias, J. (2014, September 9) Mwananchi. Retrived from http://www.mwananchi.
co.tz/Makala/Ugumu-wa-kupata-ajira-kwa-wahitimu-wa-Kitanzania/-/1597592/2446678//3ce5cyz/-/index.html.

With the increase of higher education institutions in the country,
graduates output has been growing tremendously. While only a few
of them have been absorbed in government and private employment,
a larger proportion of university alumni are unemployed or tend to
shift from one employment to another because they are not satisfied
with the job conditions or they came to terms with the demands of
the world of employment. Out of desperation, as the report by ILO
(2013) shows, youth are more likely to land low quality jobs in the
informal economy than in jobs paying decent wages.
The discrepancy between education skills and the labour market
requirement in Tanzania has greatly contributed to graduate unemployment. The higher education system has not been updated

SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND GRADUATE...

129

to match the changes in formal and informal economy that are
happening fast. For example, a great number of universities enroll
a high number of students in courses such as business. In the real
sense, business students are taught a lot of theory without practice
related to the real life settings. The education system does not
provide enough room for students to acquire skills that would help
them to get accommodated in the dynamic world of employment.
As a result, students graduate with the theoretical basis of business rather than with the experiential studies of real business life. In
the end they fail to secure a job in the labour market and they also
fail to employ themselves. Due to such discrepancies half skilled
graduates end up in indecent work in order to make ends meet. They
get into indecent work such as cybercrimes, corn artists, stealing of
public properties and hacking as well as being used by gangs and
rebels. However, indecent work is not sustainable work. Decent
work is the one that promotes an individual’s well-being. It is also
a form of work that is a source of personal dignity, family stability,
and peace in the community (ILO, 2013). On these grounds, what
may appear to youth as fast money making business undertakings
undermines the whole concept of sustainable development.
Tanzania education discrepancies can be traced in its early stages
whereby it fails to identify and nurture special skills and abilities that
students have had ever since they were young. From the primary
school level, secondary school levels there are no efforts to assist
students who are good at art, sports or science. The education system
is theoretical and emphasis is placed on getting good grades and
passing examinations instead of focusing on practical knowledge
that students could use in the future. In some schools art and sports
are banned, students are forced to study either business or science.
As a result, students talented in arts do not perform well in science
subjects or business subjects and they also lack that opportunity to
nurture what they are good at. Those who are fortunate perform

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Flora O. Kasumba & Mr. Robert Lukelo

average and get their way to college with lost dreams. At college
they end up studying any course in order to get a degree and enter
the world of work to get a job that does not match their in-built ability and skills. Such kind of graduates find themselves doing works
they have never dreamed of doing, they just work to earn their living. Some would move from one job to another or sometimes even
quit a job as they find it boring or hard because they do not have
the passion for such work. In some cases such graduates have been
reported to be less innovative, none hard workers, incompetent and
unable to work with others.
Higher education institutions have taken this as a challenge
and as a result they have embarked on diversifying programmes or
initiating new programmes, or reviewing curriculum or courses that
would make the students more marketable in the world of work.
These constant reviews are an indication that Higher education
institutions are aware of the ever changing demands of consumers
for their products.
Studies at the University of Dar es Salaam (Mkude & Ishumi,
2004) found out that the institutions had lecturers, but there was
a shortage of materials, equipment and space. Graduates reported
to have learnt useful skills but wished for more. Employers were
less impressed by limited English proficiency, low communication
skills, problem solving ability, innovativeness and creativity as well
as negative attitudes towards other workers and unwillingness to
learn. It is clear from such studies that there is a need to review
curriculum and monitor academic programmes.
It is important that the provided education meets global standards. The shift in the demand for non-cognitive jobs cannot be
overlooked. It is imperative that in addition to cognitive skills
students need to acquire skills in areas of entrepreneurship, such
as problem solving, interpersonal communication, conflict resolution, negotiation, and team working.

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At the national level, the government has also formulated policies such as the National Youth Development Policy (1996; 2007).
In addition, the names of ministries that are associated with the
youth and employment have been changing to reflect the challenging nature of youth employment. For example, the Ministry
of Labour and Employment 2012 was formally the Ministry of
Information, Youth Culture and Sports 2006. However, policies that
are in place or nomenclature may not solve the problem of graduate unemployment if they are not accompanied by consideration
of social and environmental factors that are found in the country.
However, inequality and corruption mar the government’s efforts in
addressing unemployment among graduates and youth in general.
As the rate of unemployment grows, the private sector has not
been growing fast enough to absorb higher education graduates.
The challenges that the private sector faces in Tanzania include:
financial incapability, lack of job security, lack of entrepreneurial
skills and social attitudes towards self-employment. Individuals
have tended to prefer government employment because of the job
security it offers and the longevity of employment. For example,
the promise of 700,000 job vacancies for youth in the country is
one of such government initiatives (URT, 2014). These jobs would
be created from the implementation of various development projects in the public sector, youth employment through the Tanzania
Investment Center (TIC) and Export Processing Zones Authority
(EPZA). However, such efforts need to be continuous if sustainable
development is to be achieved.

What has been available?
Natural resources
Tanzania has been endowed with vast resources which have
not been exploited. Sustainable use of such resources could enable

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graduates to create their own employment as well as enable the
future generation to create more self-employment through the same
resources. This will in a long run reduce the number of unemployed
graduates who are constantly looking forward to be employed in
the formal sector. Such resources include: land, water, minerals,
natural gas and forests. For example, Tanzania has been endowed
with fertile land to support cultivation of different types of crops,
fruits and flowers, which could offer self-employment for graduates. Tanzanian land comes along with the tourism industry, which
could be beneficial for graduates to create self-employment. Water
resources have a lot to offer, such as fishing; the fishing industry
is mostly done by local fishermen who have no training on how
to make the business generate income and create employment for
countless members of the society. If graduates were involved in
the fishing industry, it would be more thriving than it is nowadays.
Apparently, graduates are unable to make effective use of the
available resources due to a number of factors. When it comes to
investing in minerals, natural foreign investors are given priority
over local investors. Illegal activities such as poaching are also
deteriorating the tourism sector, which would also offer a platform
for graduates to employ themselves. Generally, there has been an
ineffective management of all natural resources, which could be
the source of employment for Tanzanian graduates.
Policies on sustainable development
and graduate employment
A number of policies, programmes and plans on sustainable
development still exist as well as the policies to support the selfemployment for graduates. However, such policies are not implemented accordingly (Business Times, 2012). Examples of these
policies are The National Youth Employment Policy, National Environmental Policy, (1979), Agricultural Marketing Policy (1992),

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133

National Strategy for Growth and Poverty Reduction, (2005–2010),
Property and Business Formalization Programme, (2007). These
plans could be avenues for creating job opportunities for graduates and in the country. However, success in the implementation
of these policies is hampered by poor follow up and corruption.

Unexploited business opportunities
The Tanzania economy still depends on the importation of
goods from outside the country. However, the available labour
force within the country has the ability to produce different types
of goods. However, areas like science and technology have not
been exploited as scientific and technological inventions are not
promoted as they should be.
Following the liberalization of the economy in the 1980-s, the
Tanzania market is still dominated by imported foreign goods. Imported products are normally cheaper and of better quality, hence
they end up waging an unbalanced competition against locally
produced versions. In the long run the goods have outdrawn local
graduate entrepreneurs from producing similar products within the
country. However, with the changes in lifestyle, Tanzania graduates are still in a better position to produce goods of African origin
which cannot be easily produced abroad. They could still be still in
high demand to both locals and foreigners. These include African
outfits, medicine and herbs, African ornaments, tools of labour,
art, packaging of African foods and spices, and architecture for
recreation. All these have not been exploited as they should but
could offer greater self-employment opportunities for graduates.
In Tanzania, the habit of taking a heart of self-employing is
not likely to be as fast as one desires, because of the number of
factors including the preparations made through the education
curriculum, lack of right social attitudes as the societies bank

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their beliefs in searching for jobs. In addition, inadequate financial
capability is one of the major aspects hampering youth initiatives
for self-employment.
In some cases, graduates from well-to-do families can have
access to capital so they start their business. But in most cases
such business fail and the founders join other graduates in looking for employment in government or other offices. An interview,
conducted for the purpose of this paper with some graduates who
had capital and intended to launch an Information Technology
consultancy company which failed in the end, revealed that despite having capital to run the business the graduates did not have
enough skills and knowledge needed to run the business. Their
business went bankrupt hence they had to part ways and look for
employment in the government sector just like other graduates
who had no access to capital.

How can their goals be realized?
In a survey by YRFT (2014), it was found that a number of
graduates had big dreams before joining the labour market as they
hoped to use their education to improve their lives. In turn, the
situation was different. However, their dreams could not be realized.
As the labour market conditions do not seem to accommodate
majority of graduates, therefore there is a need to review the
curriculum so that it is more practical. Such education will open
students’ minds into the real world of work and expose them to
all its challenges and what it takes to be a successful entrepreneur.
Apart from that, practical education will enable graduates to
become more confident in undertaking projects as well as realize
their capabilities instead, of ending up jobless.
Education for sustainable development should be integrated into
the higher education system within universities. Students should

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be taught how to protect the environment and resources as well
as make use of them in a way that will be more productive and at
the same time not depreciating such resources so that they can be
reused to sustain a living as well as make the resources available
for the future generation.
Government policies should aim at creating conducive environment for graduates who want to employ themselves. More emphasis should be placed on issues such as loans: the government
should specify the conditions for graduates to obtain loans and
grants especially when they intend to employ themselves. Also,
the investment environment should not favor foreigners only, but
locals as well. This will instill the spirit of patriotism in Tanzanians.
It is also the responsibility of parents to support graduates
financially so that they become entrepreneurs. Apparently, most
graduates wish to become entrepreneurs but they have no access
to loans which are offered by the government and other financial
institutions. Parents need to change the mentality that formal
employment is the only source of stable income their children
can have, but with the rising trend of unemployment they need
to understand that graduates need to be self-employed instead
of wasting a lot of time looking for employment without success.
Moreover, families and community need to start pulling resources
together so as to invest in economic activities that are sustainable
instead of wasteful spending of money in social functions such as
expensive weddings, kitchen parties, and many social functions
which have become the order of the day in our society.
Recently, the University of Iringa has started raising awareness
about entrepreneurship among staff and students. This involves
changing the methods of teaching and learning to reflect entrepreneurial teaching and learning, and also encouraging students
to start and run businesses and establishing strategic UniversityIndustry linkages.

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There is a need to formalize entertainment activities so that
they also become formal employment opportunities to graduates.
These include sports, music and performing arts. Other measures
should include controlling indecent work like prostitution, drug
abuse, counterfeit and cyber-crimes.
There is a need to invest in agriculture because there is a lot
of arable land, but youth are reluctant to invest in agriculture for
two reasons. Firstly, graduates lack capital to invest in this sector
of agriculture. Secondly, in the society mindset, agriculture is for
the uneducated. This calls for a need to commercialize agriculture.
Finally, it is apparent that the aspirations of many Tanzanians
are to see a growing number of university graduates enter into
one form of employment or another. However, it is important that
Sustainable Development continues to be a top agenda in the
education system as well as in the policies that govern resources
deployment in the country.
References
“Business Times”, (2011). Tanzania: unemployment rate drops by
1 per cent in five years, http://www.businesstimes.co.tz/index.
php?option=com_content&id=1597:-tanzania-unemploymentrate-drops-by-1-per-ce (February 2015).http://www.businesstimes.co.tz/index.php?option=com_content&id=1597:-tanzaniaunemployment-rate-drops-by-1-per-cent-in-five-years&Itemid=57
ILO, (2014), Decent work agenda: promoting decent work for all, “http://
www.ilo.org/global/about-the-ilo/decent-work (February 2015).
Longhurst J. (2014), Education for sustainable development: Guidance
for UK higher education providers, Higher Education Academy,
http://www.qaa.ac.uk/en/Publications/Documents/Educationsustainable-development-Guidance-June-14.pdf, (January, 2015).
Mathias, J. (2014 September 9), Ugumu wa kupata ajira kwa wahitimu wa Kitanzania. Mwananchi, http://www.mwananchi.co.tz/

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Makala/Ugumu-wa-kupata-ajira-kwa-wahitimu-wa-Kitanzania//1597592/2446678/-/3ce5cyz/-/index.html, (February 2015).
Mkude, J. D. & Ishumi, A.G. (2004), Tracer studies in a quest for academic
improvement. Dar es Salaam: Dar es Salaam University Press.
Tanzania Commission for Universities (TCU), (2007), http//: www.
tcu.go.tz/images/pdf/Enrollment trend.pdf, (February 2015).
TCU, (2013),: http//: www.tcu.go.tz/images/pdf/Enrollment trend.pdf,
(February 2015).
TCU, (2007), http//:Enrollment trend in Universities and University
Colleges Retrieved from: http//: ww.tcu.go.tz/images/pdf/Enrollment trend.pdf, (February 2015).
UNDP (1999), United Nations, (UN), (1987). Our common future. Oxford:
University Oxford Press.
UN, (2005), 2005 World Summit Outcome, http://www.who.int/hiv/
universalaccess2010/worldsummit.pdf.
United Republic of Tanzania (URT), (2014), National Higher Education Policy. Ministry of Science, Technology and Higher Education.
University of Iringa, (2014), Tumaini University. Development Strategic
Plan 2014\8 2019\20.
URT, (2014), Formal Sector Employment and Earning Survey, National
Bureau of Statistics. Ministry of Finance.
URT, (2010), National Strategy for Growth and Reduction of Poverty II,
Ministry of Finance and Economic Affairs
URT, (2014), Formal Sector Employment and Earnings Survey. National
Bureau of Statistics. Dar es Salaam. Ministry of Finance
URT, (2015), Literacy and Education Monograph: 2012 Population and
Housing Census. National Bureau of Statistics.
World Bank, (2014), Final report. Washington, DC: World Bank Group. http://
documents.worldbank.org/curated/en/2014/09/20182306/tanzania-productive-jobs-wanted-vol-2-2-final-report, (February 2015).

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Young Researchers Foundation Tanzania (YRFT), (2014), Employment
Situation for Graduates after College, http://researchersfoundation.org/downloads/AN%20ARTICLE2.pdf, (February 2015).
UNDP, (2014), Human Development, Sustaining Human Progress: Reducing Vulnerabilities and Building Resilience; http://hdr.undp.org/
en/2014-report/ (February 2015).

Jarosław Różański OMI

MISSIONS IN NORTHERN CAMEROON
AND DEVELOPMENT OF LOCAL CULTURES
Abstract
Regular missionary activity in Northern Cameroon began late (in
1946). The beginning initiatives in development assistance undertaken by
missionaries in Cameroon involved local mission stations. They included
various aspects of everyday life, mainly schooling, health care, agricultural development, and charitable activities. With the passage of time
and the development of Church structures this development assistance
has taken on diocesan structures and has broadened its field of activity.
Key words: North Cameroon, Missions of the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, missions in Cameroon, assistance for development, schooling
in Cameroon, training in Cameroon, health care in Cameroon.

* * *
Northern Cameroon differs substantially from the southern lands
of Cameroon geographically, climatically, and ethnically. It even has
its own distinct history, especially of pre-colonial times. It has always
been perceived, by the inhabitants of the south, and previously by the
colonial rulers, and even by the first travelers and anthropologists,

Jarosław Różański OMI – Professor, Head of Institute of the
Dialogue of Cultures and Religion. His research interests are: missiology,
missiological anthropology, missions in Africa, cultures of Central Sudan
and inculturation.

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Jarosław Różański OMI

as a more backward part of the country, and completely Islamified.
The majority of ethnic groups of northern Cameroon however keep
to their cultural traditions and beliefs, not surrendering to Islamicization. These peoples call themselves the „Kirdi.”
The name „Kirdi” was given to them by Islamic invaders and has
been more or less universally accepted in European literature. After
Cameroon gained independence there began an interesting process
of the birth of a new Kirdi awareness, which crossed ethnic divisions. Traditional African religions fulfill for the Kirdi an important
function of integrating and sanctioning the organization of societies
based on blood ties, as well as societies based on inhabited territory.
The significance of these religions stems also from the particular
role that religion plays in general in a culture, permeating its various segments. In Kirdi cultures its role was notably confined to the
boundaries set by the concrete tribal society and village.
Systematic evangelization among the Kirdi began in November
of 1946 with the arrival of 16 French Missionary Oblates of Mary
Immaculate. In less than 70 years of work these missionaries accomplished great evangelical endeavors in an area encompassing
almost 1/3 of the entire territory of Cameroon. Their work included
not only proclaiming the Gospel, but also aiding the development
of the Kirdi. Evangelization and the aiding of development are two
aspects of the one mission of the Church. The two complete and
permeate each other. The road to salvation passes through this
world, through its conditions, societal life, its economic structures,
and so on. The pastoral constitution on the Church in the modern
world of Vatican II, Gaudium et Spes, speaks many times of “human
promotion,” and “progress,” emphasizing that the term “human
promotion” is a concept broader than a “progress” generally understood as technological, economic, or a raising of the standard
of living, improving the overall human condition. (GS, n. 35). Aid
to development was given much space in the Decree on mission-

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ary activity, Ad Gentes. We read in it, for example, “Just as Christ,
then, went about all the towns and villages, curing every kind of
disease and infirmity as a sign that the kingdom of God had come,
so also the Church, through her children, is one with men of every
condition, but especially with the poor and the afflicted. For them,
she gladly spends and is spent [...] Let Christians labor and collaborate with others in rightly regulating the affairs of social and
economic life.” (AG, n. 12)
The beginning initiatives for aiding development were undertaken
by the missionaries on the grounds of their missionary stations. They
included various aspects of farm life as well as attention to schooling
and health care. As time went on and Church structures developed,
diocesan structures also took on aid in development. The first Comité
Diocésain de Développement (CDD-Diocesan Development Committee) came into existence in the Diocese of Maroua-Mokolo (1976).
In 1980 a similar development committee was established in the
Archdiocese of Garoua. In the Dioceses of Ngaoundéré and Yagoua
CODAS-CARITAS (Comité Diocésain des Activités Socio-Caritatives)
was brought into being, whose task it was to be concerned in material
and social development, as well as in spreading the social teachings
of the Church, and in charitable activities.

Animating villages and Agricultural Training Centers
Missionary animation of farming also began in northern Cameroon in the 1960’s. It did not however have a broad or formal nature.
In the beginning, the best-known initiative was the work of Fr. Louis
Chauvat of the Fignolé mission in the Archdiocese of Garoua, where
he established the Center for Agricultural Formation. This Center not
only equipped people with the newest methods for cultivation but
also taught them how to use new agricultural tools, that is, mainly,
the plow and coulter. It also fostered the use of draft animal power

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and with time brought the first tractors to the northern part of the
country. In 1963 a missionary from Fignolé was named a member
of the Council for Development for the North Province [known as
North Region as of 2008] and invited to develop a five-year economic plan for that region1. Similar, although on a smaller scale,
initiatives were conducted in missions at, among others, Touboro,
Djinglia, Djohong and Karna. An Agricultural Center was established
in Touboro in 1965. Lay missionary Dominique Fichot worked there
for the first three years of its existence. The main task of the center
was to spread new cultivation and new farming techniques among
the inhabitants of the surrounding villages, as well as educating the
local farmers in self-sufficiency. A whole village founded in Djinglia
as a model of increased effectiveness in local farming through the
use of new techniques and cultivation2. Fr. Louis Blaire led a similar
undertaking among the Mafa3.
Besides the organizing of agricultural education centers, what
also played a major role in the animation of villages was short-term
schooling, exam sessions, and meetings conducted by members of
the Christian communities or by animators trained for the purpose.
In the schooling and exams emphasis is usually placed not on big
development projects but on a change in mentality through slow
changes in everyday life and habits. For example, it would be
proposed that windows be put into the walls of a house, and the
door enlarged, that the walls be plastered, the kitchen partitioned
1
Cf. E. de Loizy, La maison Rurale de Fignolé, un exemple de formation
d’exploitations agricoles, Nord Cameroun, Agi-Service-Afrique (1968) nr 3, pp.
12–17.
2
Cf. J. Boisseau, Quand on implante une mission dans un milieu humain,
Missions OMI (1970) vol. 332, pp. 125–134; L. Blaire, Equipes rurales, Pôle et
Tropiques (1964) nr 7–8, pp. 184–185; P.H. Doublier, En équipe avez Dourous
pour la promotion du village, Pôle et Tropiques (1974) nr 7–8, pp. 174–184.
3
Cf. L. Blaire, Equipes rurales, op. cit.., pp. 184–185.

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off into its own separate room, that care be taken of household
equipment such as kerosene. In regards to work in the fields: to
use oxen, to do the sowing in long straight lines, to plant fruit
trees, to grow vegetables. Guidelines were also given regarding
children, the relationship between husband and wife, activities on
the level of the territorial community, etc.4
Similar simple directives and guidelines were published in local animators textbooks, brochures, and periodicals dedicated to
development5.

Improvement of living conditions
and development level
An important element of training was the obtaining of skills
for farm-management and cash turnover. Not knowing how to
use money, together with its attractiveness, was causing many
farmers to sell their products immediately after the harvest, for
very low prices, only to then buy them back in the leaner periods
between harvests, for much higher prices. This is a neglect of the
past custom of storing reserves in granaries and at the same time
a falling into perpetual debt. It had a negative effect on the life of
the whole family, sinking it into ever-deepening poverty. Therefore
Cf. meeting dedicated to the problem of village development in Mokolo,
November 1972 r.: Evagélisation et développement, [MS Maroua, publication
date not given].
5
In the development bulletin En Avant, published in Maroua in so-called
„simplified French,” various types of procedures and questions connected with
farm and societal life are clarified. Some examples: information on the conditions
and circumstances for making a new ID card (April 2001), weeding crops (June
2001), raising sheep and goats (May 2001), conditions for registering to vote
(January 2001), planting garlic (December 2000), innoculating goats (September
2000), basic information about cholera (August 2000), feed for two donkeys
(August 1999), chicken coops and raising chickens (April 1999).
4

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there was training in foreseeing costs and in keeping a ledger of
income and expenses.
Another big problem was the lack of insurance in case of
drought, fire, accident, or illness. As a rule, children as well as
youth remained outside of all stipend or scholarship systems. For
this reason many missions also began to practice the cultivation
of so-called „Christian community fields”, the income of which
served as their own insurance fund as well as being a source from
which the community drew for operational costs6.
Another form of rational money management was putting it
into a common fund and then attaching it to the mission’s account.
The mission account was then connected to the diocese’s account
in the national bank where it would be possible to earn greater
interest. Separate, subjective accounts, even for individuals, were
set up in the villages; they existed only in the ledgers of those
responsible for them. This taught individual saving and rational
money management.
An idea known as Savings-Credit Clubs (CEC – Club d’Épargne
et de Crédit) also spread in many villages in the diocese of MarouaMokolo. It spread the practice of saving in accounts set up in banks.
The zone of what is called the Sudan Climate, and most of all
the Sahelu zone, is a region given to drought and consequently to
famine or malnutrition. That this area is undergoing desertification
is born witness to by the fact that the Sahara Desert is increasing by
A pioneer of this system was Fr. Franciszek Chrószcz, who founded the
Guider mission in the Koina sector, an experimental agricultural cooperative.
The Christian community received fields for cultivation. Qualifying grain and
farming equipment were purchased which caused a significant increase in yield
per hectare. Everyone worked in the community field. Cf. A. Kurek, O. Franciszek
Chrószcz OMI, Niepokalana (1977) nr 3, p. 92. At the Lam mission, where the
present author did his missionary training from 1991–1993, there existed seven
„co-op farms” of this type. They were located in the villages of Lam, Dahal,
Kongkong, Djiougi, Mbrousum, Bali and Badia.
6

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about 1.5 million hectares per year. The noticeable lack of water,
especially in the dry season, was the cause of many diseases, and
more than once, also of migrations. In order to obtain healthy water
missionaries collected funds for digging wells and also taught the
technique for this to the local peoples. The missions run by the Polish
Oblates in the Guider area became known, among others, for this
kind of activity; using traditional methods they dug, or drilled into
rock, about 150 wells. In the Diocese of Maroua-Mokolo in 1995
the Diocesan Committee for Development established a legally
recognized association for the purpose of building wells and canals
(GOIP – Groupe des Organismes Intervenants dans les Puits et les Biefs),
made up of specialists trained in building wells and canals. Improved
living conditions in the mountains of Mandara became also a goal
of the Mandara Mountains Regional Development Project (PDRM –
Projet de Développement de la Région des Monts Mandara), financed
by the European Union. The Project was implemented in 1996. It
anticipated the building of schools, granaries, wells, and canals7.
Afforestation initiatives were promoted and conducted by a good
number of missions as another attempt against the desertification of the Sahelu area. These were developed especially in the
territories of the Dioceses of Pala, of Maroua-Mokolo, and the
Archdiocese of Garoua.
The cultivation of sorghum improved living conditions; it is
known as berbéré in Chad and in northern Cameroon as muskuwari.
Cf. L. Robin, Du pain sur la planche et de l’eau dans le puits, Pôle et Tropiques
(1982) nr 5, pp. 103–104; J. Lavoie, O. Filion, P. Marcheterre, Echos du Cameroun, Pôle et Tropiques (1986) nr 7–8, p. 117; Y. Schaller, Problèmes d’eau,
Pôle et Tropiques (1990) nr 7–8, pp. 20–21; B. Noyer, Un peuple se leve Pôle et
Tropiques (1997) nr 3, p. 15. This initiative also found an echo in a campaign
organized by the Institute of Ethnology and Anthropology and the Poznan division of the Polish African Society under the title of Woda i zadrzewianie strefy
Sahelu – Water and Refforestation for Sahel – WARS. Dr hab. Ryszard Vorbrich
coordinated this campaign.
7

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Jarosław Różański OMI

It is sown in clayish soil recovered with the floods of SeptemberOctober, when the clay held a sufficient amount of water after
the dry season. Seedbeds are installed. Seedlings are transplanted
after 30–40 days in holes made with sticks and are watered. The
harvest would take place in December or January8.
Mission hospitals, health-care centers, and pharmacies
When the first Missionary Oblates arrived in northern Cameroon in 1947, there was no organized medical care at all in the
whole vast region9. The situation improved somewhat during the
1950’s. Besides taking into consideration a house for the missionary, the building projects for the majority of missions also included
a church, school, home for religious sisters, and buildings set aside
for a mission health-care center. In the year 1970 there were existing in northern Cameroon 32 Catholic health-care centers; in the
year 2000 there were 41 of them.
An example that witnesses to the significance and influence of
local Church health-care and its influence in changing mentalities is the transformation of one of the better – known hospitals,
founded in 1959 by Swiss Dr. Maggi in the village of Tokombéré
in the Mandara Mountains. Today it has 120 beds. Working there
are one doctor and 15 nurses as well as visiting specialist doctors.
Since every year saw an increase in illnesses and deaths due to
epidemics, significant changes were made in modes of action and
the „Center for Health Promotion” was built next to the hospital.
Its purpose was to reach out beyond the hospital walls to the vil8
A full description of cultivation methods and terrain in: Ch. Raimond,
Évolution des terres repiquées en sorgho au sud du lac Tchad (Tchad). Mémoire de
DEA, Paris 1993.
9
Cf. Y. Plumey, Mission Tchad-Cameroun. Documents, souvenirs, visages.
L’annonce de l’Evangile au Nord-Cameroun et au Mayo Kebbi 1946–1986, Rome
1990, p. 513; J. Boisseau, Quand on implante une mission dans un milieu humain,
Missions OMI (1970) t. 332, pp. 125–134, p. 128.

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lages, and there form people and train them how to fight the most
widespread, basic diseases which, it had been confirmed, in about
60% of cases can be treated on-site, without need for hospitalization. Every year different awareness campaigns are begun: year
of the latrine, year of malaria, year against child mortality, etc.
This plan was not formed behind a desk but worked out during
meetings and discussions with villagers. It is one of the tasks of
the Village Healthcare Committee10.

Charitable activities
Abject poverty creates a situation unworthy of the human person.
Institutionalized government and social forms of aid are not capable
of completely preventing it. Therefore today missionary activity is
accompanied by the works of mercy. The Vatican II Decree on the
apostolate of the laity, Apostolicam Actuositatem, speaks of their
necessity, recalling that, „Wherever there are people in need of food
and drink, clothing, housing, medicine, employment, education;
wherever men lack the facilities necessary for living a truly human
life or are afflicted with serious distress or illness or suffer exile or
imprisonment, there Christian charity should seek them out and
find them, console them with great solicitude, and help them with
appropriate relief.” (AA 8) The works of mercy include, among
other things: bringing help in time of natural disasters; taking care
of poor families, displaced persons, the sick and mentally disturbed,
of the mentally and physically handicapped, homeless children, etc.
The diocesan development committees were responsible for the
works of mercy. At the parish level they were most often attended
Cf. Ch. Aurenche, H. Vulliez, Tokombéré, au pays des Grands Prêtres. Religions africaines et Évangile peuvent-ils inventer l’avenir?, Paris 1996, op.cit.,
pp. 68–70.
10

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to by specialized groups of lay people, sometimes associated with
a movement set up for one of the works of mercy, as for example
the Hearth of Charity (Foyer de Charité), or the Association of
Women of Mercy.
Although the phenomenon of abandoned orphans had been
virtually unknown in traditional societies in this part of Africa,
contact with the European economic system has contributed significantly to the emergence and exacerbation of this phenomenon,
particularly in the big cities. One of the first orphanage-boarding
schools was founded by Fr. Alexis Atangana OMI in Guider in
1958. In Figuil and Mandama orphanages and boarding schools
for girls were founded by the Polish Sister Servants of Mary
Most Holy.
A new phenomenon which came much into focus in the 1990’s is
that of „street children,” deprived of family, home, education, and
means of support. They begin their day by begging11, rummaging
through garbage, performing small services or petty trade. At the
end of the day they go to sleep on sidewalks, vestibules, under
the marketplace roofs, or in abandoned cars.
It is estimated that in Garoua, northern Cameroon, about 35%
of children are to a greater or lesser degree, „street children.” The
majority of them come from the nothern provinces of Cameroon
(about 85%), 6% from Chad, 4.5%, from Nigeria, 2–3% from
southern Cameroon, and 2% of unknown origin12. By the year
1987 in Garoua the Center for Social-Sanitary Promotion (CPSS)
had been begun and was working with the Diocese of Milan’s
Centro Orientamento Educativo. The Center’s work concentrated
It is sometimes difficult to distinguish these children from the pupils of the
Koran schools, who beg for the expenses of their teachers. This is a permanent
element of their extracurricular activities.
12
Cf. M. Zeitcheu, Les enjeux de la nouvelle évangélisation dans l’archidiocèse
de Garoua. Mémoire de fin de cycle de theologie, [MS] Maroua 2000, pp. 24–26.
11

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on the most neglected social environments, providing them with,
among other things, a doctor’s clinic in Garoua, a Youth Center,
and a program called „Street Children.” In 1997 in Garoua was
opened the Piccola Casa for „street children” which is a project
of Italian missionaries. Such children are also included in care
in Maroua.
Another group of people in need was immigrants. One reason
for migration was war in Chad and the Sudan. Refugees from
Chad sought refuge in the territories of Cameroon and the Central
African Republic. The best-known wave of refugees appeared in
the end of the 1970’s in the Cameroon town of Kousseri, situated
across from Ndżameny. It is estimated that between 80–100.000
exiles sought refuge in Kousseri at that time.
The missions also took care of migrants in whom could be seen
a lack of stability and a conviction that they would not be settling
in the new territory „forever” but only temporarily. They were
prepared at all times to change villages. They also had a feeling
of „foreignness,” seeing themselves as aliens. Connected with this
was negligence in self-development, wasting money, and a lack of
solidarity. It was very difficult to form a community with migrants
arriving from various regions because of language, customs, and so
on. Missionary work and aid for development among migrants was
undertaken first of all by missionaries in Bibémi, Lagdo, Ngong,
Pitoa, Tcholliré, Madingrin and Touboro.
The tragic situation of sanitation in African prisons was the
reason not only for organizing a dynamic prison ministry but
also an extensive nutritional and medical aid plan. Prisoners are
under guard in, among others, prisons in northern Cameroon and
prisons at Garoua and Tcholliré where prisoners under sentence
of death are sent. In the Tcholliré prison Polish male and female
missionaries undertake ministry and humanitarian activity, along
with lay co-workers.

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Reputable Catholic schools
In establishing Catholic schools much emphasis was placed on
general-education schools. However, due to lack of trade schools,
missionaries were concerned with setting up schools of this type
as well as with other forms of training craftsmen. They also developed original teaching forms and literacy programs for local
village populations.
The best-known secondary school in northern Cameroon was the
de Mazenod College in Ngaoundéré – the first secondary school in
that part of the country. Bishop Yves Plumey invited the Christian
Brothers of Canada to conduct this College.
Among the state secondary schools to be found in northern
Cameroon, for a long time there was not one trade school or center
for apprenticeship. For this reason it was an unusually valuable
initiative when in 1969 the Oblates founded in Meignanga the
Paul VI Center for Technical Training13, where auto mechanics
could be trained. In 1992, 52 pupils were studying at the school.
In 1991 in Garoua, at the initiative of Christiana Tumi, the Saint
Therese College was opened.
An original initiative was undertaken in the year 2000 in Maroua, when the Jacques de Bernon College was established. In its
founding the college undertook the formation of youth in both the
humanities and in technical courses, encouraging in this way the
creating of small and medium-sized businesses. In this the school
was open most of all to youth coming from poorer areas, mainly
the Mandara Mountains.
A separate chapter in mission teaching is informal, out-of-school,
teaching. This includes for example the training of craftsmen by
religious brothers. The fast pace of the development of the missions,
The school later changed its name to Le Collège d’Enseignement Technique
Industriel Paul VI. It goes everywhere by the abbreviation CETIP.
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Catholic schools, clinics, etc., demanded numerous buildings and
this in turn was connected to a need for a professional labor force.
The buildings were most often produced by religious brothers. Their
full, dedicated work had in this way an aspect at once formational
and instructional. Almost everyone had local co-workers whom
they were training, making for a practical professional school. The
Africans working with them changed often, so that the percent of
people trained in the profession was considerable. It was similar
for the workshops of auto mechanics and carpenters existing near
the missions, where religious brothers taught the local youth. The
best-known „school” of this type was the workshop at the Maroua
mission, which was run in the beginning by Br. Pierre Petard, and
after him by Br. Garbriel Tessier. Br. Gabriel Tessier was honored
by the Premier of Cameroon for his education work14.
Another similar initiative also developing in the 1970’s and 80’s
in northern Cameroon and Chad was known as „school under the
trees.” Classes were held in various places, depending on need.
Theory was usually taught under a tree, and practice lessons in
the fields, in the garden, by the well, and so on. It was a school of
teaching the basics of farming, effective cultivation, hygiene, but
also counting and often reading and writing as well15.
Many youth ministry centers filled to a great degree a teaching aid function, even if only by creating a library and providing
a room with electricity.
14
Cf. N. Leca, L’école d’apprentissage de Maroua, interview de frère Gabriel
Tessier, Pôle et Tropiques (1958) nr 8–9, pp. 20–22; Promotion de l’homme par
le changement de metier, [w:] Devant les aspirations des hommes que nous rencontrons, les chrétiens s’interrogent. Stage de Pastorale, Sarh (Tchad) 24 juin–10 juillet
1975, [Sarh 1975], pp. 24–28.
15
Cf. O. Arnaude, M.L. Merceron, Mindjil, un village en pays Moundang qui
bouge, Pôle et Tropiques (1979) nr 7–8, pp. 189–190; L. Blaire, Ecole de brousse
en pays M’Boum, Pôle et Tropiques (1949) nr 12, p. 159.

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Linguistic work and appreciation of local culture
Evangelization demands knowledge of local languages. As
arule not only evangelization progress but also the survival and
development of a culture depended on the introduction of an
alphabet, codification of rules of grammar, and publishing in
the given language. When missionaries began their work in the
mid-twentieth century the local languages did not have a written
form or standard rules of grammar. Work on the local languages
was decidedly hampered by the lack of preparation in linguistics in the missionaries. But numerous unpublished dictionaries
and grammars quickly began to appear. Among these were also
to be found limited editions of grammar books for the Gidar
language, compiled by Polish missionary W. Kozioła and local
teacher J. Maingle16. Also published were a grammar and dictionary of Gbaya as well as grammatical elements of Uldeme17. An
unquestionably noteworthy linguistic achievement is the work
of Dominique Noye on the Fulfulde language, which filled the
role of a vehicular language18.
A greatly richer set of publications in local languages are translated
works. Most often they were done locally on duplicating machines.
Editions were done in the languages of, among others, Matakam,
Podokwo, Kapsiki, Mafa, Mofu, Gisiga, Bana, Djimi, Uldeme, Mada,
Daba, Gidar, Tupuri, Namtchi, Pere, Gbaya, Mbum, Massa, Ngambay, Sar, Mbai. For Christian liturgies, and especially para-liturgies,
many local symbolic elements were imported when Judeo-Christian
W. Kozioł, J. Maingle, Grammaire guidar, Figuil 1993.
P. Bodénés, Grammaire Gbaya élémentaire, [MS] Meiganga 1954; Y. Blanchard, Ph. Noss, Dictionnaire gbaya-francais: dialecte yaayuwee, Meiganga 1982;
D.P. Provoost, S.P. Koulifa, Essai sur la langue uldeme, Tervuren 1987.
18
D. Noyé, Dialecte peul du Diamaré, Paris 1974; ibid., Dictionnaire FoulfouldéFrançais (dialecte peul du Diamaré, Nord-Cameroun), Paris 1989.
16
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or European Christian symbolism would be poorly understood or
even intelligible. Along with the expansion of Christianity came
also the spread of indigenous Christian creativity. It used a wealth
of local dance and song, singing accompanied by various types of
instruments. These songs, at first copied singly or a few at a time,
were memorized, and with time popularized in various songbooks.
Alongside translated works and indigenous Christian creativity
is also education in reading and writing in these languages. As
J.M.Ela stated, „an illiterate African is not necessarily one who does
not know French or English, but above all one who is not able to
express himself orally or in writing in his own language”19. In the
Diocese of Maroua-Mokolo, particularly in the Mandara Mountains,
missionaries organized 25-person groups of youth aged 14–26
to meet during the dry season, from January to April, four times
per week, for four hours each meeting. There was provision for
a very thorough, three-year training in literacy. They also set up
so-called „local language committees” which endeavored to develop an alphabet for the language and produce rules for writing
it. These committees co-operated with the National Association
of Language Committees in Cameroon (ANACLAC – Association
Nationale des Comités de Langues au Cameroun). In 1988 a legally
recognized association emerged from these committees, acting
on behalf of the local languages and human promotion through
literacy (ALPHA – Association pour les Langues et la Promotion
Humaine par l’Alphabetisation).
Appreciation of local culture began to clearly change the consciousness of the younger generation which as a rule is fascinated
with new things coming from the outside world. Even among
youth attending school and recent graduates, an increasing awareness grew that to speak French or English, and not to know one’s
19

J.M. Ela, La plume et la pioche, Yaoundé 1971, p. 14.

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own language, is another form of illiteracy. In many places there
was a renewed discovering of, and getting to know, tradition.
An example of this can be the Youth Home in Tokombéré in the
Mandara Mountains. In 1990 the Baba Simon College was added
to the mission with the help of parents and of young people, and
the settlement around it managed and kept up by youth who in
that way learned self-organization, mutual aid, and working to
maintain oneself. The „Sare Youth” of Tokombéré have their own
library and video-library. The youth have been inflamed with, for
example, an interest in their own culture, that is, the culture of
various ethnic groups. They have begun collecting proverbs, folk
tales, sayings, histories of particular tribes, and traditional religions....first in the Mujang language, and later other languages
as well. This experiment proved so successful that the pupils of
Tokombéré continued it at the university in Yaoundé, the youth
coming from the Mandara Mountains concentrating on similar
guidelines for communal life and working together20.
There are many studies of a popular rather than scientific nature.
In publications in French21, German22, and Polish23, missionaries
repeatedly presented various aspects of the local cultures, popularizing them among European readers. It is not possible here to
overlook the papers and theses written by indigenous clerics in
the major seminaries of Maroua, Bakara, Sarh, and Bangi. Many
of them take on the attempt to describe various aspects of local
culture.
20
Cf. Ch. Aurenche, H. Vulliez, Tokombéré, au pays des Grands Prêtres. Religions
africaines et Évangile peuvent-ils inventer l’avenir?, op. cit., pp. 87–94. Published
on the initiative of youth in.: Vingt contes des Monts Mandaras, Nord Cameroun,
Champigny-sur-Marne 2000.
21
Mainly Pôle et Tropiques.
22
Der Weiberg; Immaculata.
23
Mainly Misyjne Drogi.

Ryszard Piasecki, Janusz Gudowski

The potential role of foreign
capital in development
of Sub-Saharan Africa
Abstract
Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) is mostly channeled by leading
economies and is located in arising economies (China, Latin American
states, Eastern Europe). Sub-Saharan Africa made an exception to
this trend recently. It is a subject of FDI interest from China and India
as well as from some advanced economies. In case of FDI from other
arising economies (like East European ones), in SSA the situation is,
however, different. First, the scale of an action is limited. Even so, the
competitiveness of FDI is worth considering. Arising economies offer
cheaper projects due to less expensive staff, and next, they are closer
to substantial sectors of economy. This is why their potential role in
supporting the level of life in benefiting countries seems to be important. They encourage cooperation with small scale sector, which offers
services and outsourcing activities. One may call this phenomenon
indirect local development. Another problem deals with sustainable
development. An institutional support seems to be essential for achievRyszard Piasecki – Professor, PhD in economics, University of
Lodz; former Consul General of Poland in Brazil and Polish Ambassador
in Chile; author of numerous publications on globalization, economic
development and European Union identity and integration process.
Janusz Gudowski – Professor, PhD in economics, Technical University of Warsaw and Copper Region Vocational College in Lublin, author
of numerous papers on development and rural development.

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Ryszard Piasecki, Janusz Gudowski

ing expected effects (as it is seen now in European Union), while its
lack may postpone it.
Key words: foreign direct investments; arising economies; Sub-Saharan
Africa

Introduction
Less advanced economies were the hosts of foreign direct investment (FDI) for quite a long period. At the beginning it was
overwhelmed by investments by multi-nationals, mostly in China,
due to its cheap labor resources and vast internal market. In the
course of time that activity extended to other countries and other
companies. The late phenomenon is an increasing investment
activity from the emerging economies of the middle-income countries. In case of Poland there is an important direct investment
completed recently in copper industry in Chile, as well as some
less successful investments in Sub-Saharan Africa, in China and
India. Due to the investments in less competitive branches and
due to the lower costs, FDI from emerging economies is likely to
occur on much larger scale in the coming years.

Determinants of foreign direct investment (FDI)
in less developed economies by the companies
coming from arising economies
From the past experience of FDI by multinational enterprises
in the poorer countries in transition the following conclusions
can be drawn:
1) Multinational enterprises (MEs) can be a very important
source of capital, technology and skill training. It is well known
fact that the countries in transition consider the MEs as one of
the main vehicles to achieve the transformation of the productive

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capabilities in their economies. However, the task to attract them
is not easy.
2) MEs are selective in their areas of entry: the most important factors are “location specific” attractions to encourage such
investments (resource attractions or market opportunities). Low
wages do not necessarily attract labour-intensive investment activities. While cheap labour and cheap qualified manpower may
attract offshore production activities, the real determinant is the
unexploited potential of the home markets of these countries.
In fact, labour costs in all these countries are very low, but this
is not a decisive factor in location and nor are tax breaks and
special incentives. Investment has to be attractive itself. Usually
the main motive is the market potential and the importance of
getting a stake in that market. So, it explains why the macroeconomic stability and low wages are not in themselves a sufficient attraction to foreign capital.
3) The importance of the “institutional framework” of markets
(e.g. property rights, banks, specialist suppliers etc.) should not
be ignored.
4) The presence of highly trained technical manpower will
not in itself attract high tech businesses, but may attract offshore
processing activities (e.g. software)
5) The key determinant of the FDI of multinational firms in the
long run is the growth of their home markets.
(a) Poverty as an obstacle to FDI
The problems of less developed economies are very complex
and much linked to the poverty, which has a very serious impact
on the economic situation of these countries. The war on poverty
is not a struggle simply to support people, to make them dependent
on generosity of others. It is a struggle to give people a chance. It is
an effort to allow them to develop and use their capacities.

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In advanced economies public policy toward poverty has always
been plagued by a persistent dilemma. Should we provide poor
people with enough income to buy “adequate” nutrition, housing
and clothing? Or should we instead provide them with improved
opportunities to earn their own incomes? In other words, should
we offer welfare or work to low-income families? The answer is not
easy because the two policy options often conflict. Generally speaking, the availability of welfare benefits reduces the need to work.
To be counted as a poor, an individual or family must be unable
to provide for the essential needs of food, shelter and clothing according to standards of a given country. Naturally, it is not going
to be universal agreement about how little is not enough.
There is empirical evidence that the market mechanism and
economic liberalism are the most effective ways to improve productivity and competitiveness of a given country. They help to
achieve higher economic growth and economic development. Better
economic development means less poverty. In the market economy
the state has a very important task to fulfill – the distributional
function. The state can use the following instruments:
1) Fiscal system (taxes, tax reductions and so on)
2) Public spending (health care, education, „welfare benefits” etc.)
3) Intervention through the price mechanism (it is rather negative
from the point of view of effective allocation of resources):
– the policy of minimal wages
– the control of house rents etc.
– food price subsidies
Encouraging poor people to work is a generally acceptable
policy option (but the price of work factor cannot be undervalued
as it used to happen in non-market economies). There are limits,
however, to the effectiveness of this approach. Many poor people
are too old or sick to participate in the labour market. It is true
that even labour – force participants remain poor because of their

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inadequate human capital (it is the bundle of skills and abilities
that a person carries into the labour market).
Obviously, any kind of discrimination can preclude full use of
human capital. Race, sex and class discrimination could have significant impact on both the distribution and the extent of poverty.
The most effective way to attack poverty is to attack unemployment, not the symptoms of it. So, what should be done?
It seems that the most important tasks are: developing human
capital, training programs, dismantling discrimination barriers
and improving the flow of information about job vacancies and
work opportunities. Can FDI from highly developed countries
fulfill this function?
For some observers, the provision of education, training, and
even jobs seems to be too expensive and too uncertain, and entails
too much government intervention. What about „welfare benefits”?
Welfare benefits can help a lot the poor people but they can also
perpetuate dependence (in the USA there are whole generations
of „welfare” people especially in black districts), since they do not
increase human capital and job opportunities. Welfare benefits
can even worsen the poverty problem by discouraging recipients
from working.
In developing countries, and especially in Africa, the problem is
more complex. The common denominator of all these countries is
low income. Even in rich DCs important segments of the population
live in extreme poverty. Statistics of per capita income are a fundamental measure of a country’s economic development, but the reality
of these countries is reflected in statistics on life expectancy, literacy
and social conditions (like lack of food, health care, safe water etc.).
There are many serious barriers to the economic growth in Africa:
1) Growing population with relatively little fertile land and capital
available (high fertility rates and too large families)
2) Wide-spread open and disguised unemployment

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3) Severe shortages of skilled labour and managers
4) Lack of capital resources (and not enough local savings)
Poor African nations are chronically short of skilled labour,
management, capital and technology. External financing is usually required. Foreign investment, loans and aid are all sources of
vital external financing. So, introducing market reforms, opening
up economies, inviting foreign direct investment and foreign aid
(in the field of technology, education and so on) can significantly
reduce the poverty of a given country. \
(b) What FDI and from where?
The crucial question is what kind of FDI and from which countries? The presence of Chinese companies is understandable because
they seem to be best adapted to the African conditions. Chinese
companies understand poverty very well and they are highly experienced in small scale businesses and appropriate technologies.
Here is the huge opportunity for the FDI from emerging countries.
What motivates a company to go beyond exporting or licensing?
What benefits does the multinational enterprise expect to achieve
by establishing a physical productive subsidiary in other countries?
These are the questions that the theory of foreign direct investment
has sought to answer for decades. As with trade theory, the questions have remained largely the same over time while the answers
have changed. With hundreds of countries, thousands of companies,
and millions of products and services, there is no doubt that the
answer to such an enormous question will satisfy everybody. The
theme is a global business environment that continues to attempt
to satisfy increasingly sophisticated consumer demands, while the
means of production, resources, skills, and technology needed to
become more complex and competitive. There is no question that
much of the initial FDI was the result of firms seeking valuable
natural resources for their products. The twentieth century has

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the expansion of this activity combined with a number of other
objectives sought by multinationals.
The resources needed for production are often combined with
other advantages that may be inherent in the FDI receiving country. What is used as the source of international competitiveness
in labour-intensive products according to factor proportions trade
theory provides incentives for firms to move production to countries
possessing those factor advantages. And, consistent with the principles of Vernon’s product cycle, the same companies may move their
own production to locations of factor advantages as the products
and markets mature. Companies may attempt to acquire firms in
other countries for the technical or competitive skills. Finally, firms
may seek markets. The ability to gain access to markets is a key to
multinational firms. The need to grow beyond the domestic market
is central to all of global trade and business theory. As governments
have become more intertwined in the business affairs of their constituents, multinational firms have often been forced to position
themselves against the potential loss of market access by establishing permanent physical presence. The reaction of North American
and East Asian firms to the single European market pushed forward
in 2002 was to increase their level of investment in the European
Union to ensure that they would not fall victim of the protectionism.
So far, theoretical interest in the FDI, service and trade expansion
to less developed economies exhibit the role of business potentates,
or large international corporations as well as large-scale capital.
Approach to this issue has significantly changed over the past
decades, from the criticism aimed at the root element of ideology
(in Poland in the 1970-s it was called “neo-colonialism”), to praise
the new manifestations of economic freedom (FDI in countries
adjusting to the requirements of market economy), interspersed
with statements about the long-term benefits of globalization,
where multinational companies play a fundamental role.

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The theory of FDI has so far paid only limited attention to multinational companies coming from the emerging markets (e.g. Poland, Brazil, Chile) to other less developed countries (including
the poorest African countries). Only to some extent the theory
dealt with an issue of a great importance for medium developed
economy, namely whether – and in what areas the capital coming
from the very economy may invest in underdeveloped markets? This
lack was mostly due to a small amount of this type of companies
coming from medium developed countries. Only the increasing
amount of direct investment from such countries as Brazil, Chile,
Mexico, China, India, etc. caused that scientists began to closely
examine the determinants of FDI from these countries. The most
recent example of this type is a huge direct investment of the Polish
company KGHM in Chile (4 billion USD) and ORLEN in Lithuania.
This lack in theoretical literature is especially visible today,
when a completely new phenomenon appeared: significant amount
of FDI from emerging economies is invested in less developed
countries. In Poland, the first complex study on the activities of
Polish companies investing abroad was conducted in 2004 at the
Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń [Karaszewski, 2013]. The
authors showed that in the period 2008–2012 Polish FDI doubled.
Growing investments of Polish companies encourage the need for
further research in this area.
Traditional theory of FDI assumed that crucial element for this
type of investments is to achieve by the company competitive advantage that will provide long-term benefits. This type of investment
enables the control over the manufacturing and sale of products or
services of a relatively innovative nature. In case of manufacturing,
the aim of FDI was to secure a stable and cheap supply of raw materials for production processes. However, today, when completely
new forms of production are being developed (e.g. sub-contracts,
manufacturing products of the highest technological generation in

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poor countries) the theory of foreign direct investment should be
further modified. FDI became a method of increasing the effectiveness of capital and the companies’ value. In the era of globalization,
this does not apply only to capital coming from the richest countries.

Trends in FDI coming to Sub-Saharan Africa
According to J. H. Dunning, there is a relationship between the
level of economic development and the volume of FDI [J.H. Dunning 2002]. It is evaluated by the so called NOI parameter, which
means net outward/outflow investment per capita compared to
the level of invested funds. Dunning recognized four stages of economic advancement due to the level of NOI. African states which
are attractive to foreign capital represent the 2nd stage, where NOI
per capita is much less 0 due to the heavy inflow of FDI and no
outflow of domestic capital.
Foreign investment has a long story in independent Africa. Soon
after nationalization in many new independent states has been
completed, the lack of foreign capital assistance was revealed. It
was mostly in the 1970-s when multinationals started to penetrate
Africa. It was the era of the Cold War, so the Eastern Block blamed
this action as neocolonial dominance over less developed economies.
Other developing countries did not stay lazy. Thus, an open door
policy was implemented by a number of less developed states. It
aimed at advancing of abandoned areas, reducing unemployment,
etc. Implementing IMF adjustment programs in the 1980-s and later
made a number of African countries attractive as potential clients to
external capital. Today, most of less advanced economies, especially
those with stabilized political situation, are the host countries to FDI.
Current international opinion is very enthusiastic about the
chances of FDI in Sub-Saharan Africa. The reason is that a number
of African countries got high economic growth in recent years. Some

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of them are even the leaders of the fast growth. This is the case
of some the least developed economies in the world like Mozambique, Ethiopia and Zambia. Other African countries with a very
high economic growth in recent years are: Tanzania, Congo and
Nigeria. Surely, high international prices of copper, gold and coal
played an important role in case of African exporters, but the list
is longer. Processed goods as well as services started to be much
more visible in African export. As a result, some indicators of the
level of social development like extent of poverty, food consumption or enrollment to schools have been improved. Some opinions
also say that the middle class extends in some African states and
growing salaries push the demand up. Is it an impulse to local
producers and suppliers? It is a very good question since experience of other countries proves that this kind of demand increase
is mostly directed to imported goods.
There are three possible ways to encourage FDI to the host country. The first one is to enable the purchase of an existing company,
which is called brownfield investment. Usually this action is done
either after an announcement by the host government the offer
to sell a public company, or on the stock exchange. It mostly deals
with some large scale public companies that may be restructured
and improved due to FDI.
The next possible way to FDI is creating a new company just
from the grass root level, which is called greenfield investment.
Greenfield investments are often met in case of mining with associated processing and mostly represent large scale FDI.
The last way to FDI is relevant for a medium scale FDI as well,
but even then it requires good experience in international cooperation as well as some support from the country sender. This is
making joint venture with the partner from benefiting country.
There are two main obstacles to FDI in case of Sub-Saharan
Africa. One is political turmoil while the other is natural disaster,

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like long-lasting draught or Ebola epidemics. Both are or were
mostly faced in West Africa in recent years. Interesting is that
“traditional” say barriers, like political system, corruption risk, etc.
are not often met in international press, as it used to be. Did the
situation improve or perhaps foreign investors stopped bothering
about it – is a good question.
In 2010–2013 the top recipients of FDI in Sub-Saharan Africa
were Nigeria, Mozambique, South Africa, Democratic Republic of
Congo and Ghana, with yearly inflow of FDI between 1 to 9 billion
US $. However, one may observe irregular inflow dropping visibly
or suddenly growing in subsequent year. For example, Ebola risk
slowed down FDI in West Africa, including one of the Polish leading FDI in mining and fertilizers’ manufacturing. Political events
in Nigeria decreased FDI, as well. On the contrary, Central Africa
maintained good trends in FDI, based mostly on copper-cobalt
deposits in Congo. East Africa proves the same trend due to FDI
in Mozambique, Tanzania and Uganda, while South Africa reveals
heavy drop in FDI for a couple of years after 2010 [World Investment
Report 2013]. Nearly half of all FDI coming to Africa (the whole
continent) in 2014 is to be concentrated in few recipients (Egypt,
Nigeria, South Africa), as “The Wall Street Journal” informed on
May, 19, 2014. The top investing countries are U.S., the U.K. and
France, which represents more than 50% of FDI value in particular
years. The others are China followed by Brazil, Russia and India.

Polish investments in Sub-Saharan Africa
Poland is one of bigger European economies (considering overall GDP), preceded only by Germany, France, Great Britain, Italy,
Spain, Holland and Sweden. Polish achievements, first in adjusting
economy to the requirements of market economy, next in fulfilling
EU requirements, are highly appreciated. Furthermore, it came

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Ryszard Piasecki, Janusz Gudowski

over last economic crisis in the world quite successfully, keeping
relatively high economic growth, though situation in some areas,
especially if underemployment and increasing income disparities
are considered, cannot satisfy?
For the last two decades Poland was one of the biggest European beneficiaries of foreign direct investments. New situation
appeared after Polish companies started to be visible abroad. The
biggest Polish foreign investments (greenfield investments plus
joint venture) were so far situated in Lithuania (energy sector) and
only recently in Chile Republic (copper industry). These two deals
engaged together around 4 billion US $. Even if the overall Polish
FDI (including capital investments) is relatively low (estimates by
the Polish National Bank say it was only 30 billion Euro, mostly
invested in other European economies), increasing activity of the
Polish companies abroad is a fact. Furthermore, this trend is politically supported by the highest authorities including the President
and the Prime Minister. As a result, the new idea of creating central
fund supporting companies to start activities abroad appeared and
was implemented at the end of 2014.
Polish investments in Sub-Saharan Africa are still low, anyway.
According to the National Bank of Poland till the end of 2012 it was
a total of 172 million Euros only, which represented merely 0.4%
of all Polish FDI. The deals were located mostly in Liberia, Senegal
and Angola [National Bank of Poland 2014]. Polish companies
represent mostly mining sector (copper, aluminum, coal & petrol)
as well as accompanying manufacturing. This list might be easily
enlarged by agricultural and food processing sector, machinery
and tools, furniture and the others.
Polish enterprises are interested in implementing their activities
on new markets due to two reasons:
– The scale of many potential host markets attracts FDI, especially the internal market grows visibly as well as the growth

The potential role of foreign capital in development...

167

of GDP over there is high (China, Latin American countries,
some African countries),
– Low costs of labour in host countries makes higher competitiveness of a final product.

Conclusions
Foreign direct investment is a real chance for less developed
economies to break some vulnerabilities of underdevelopment.
One may assume, basing on so far experiences that FDI locates
mostly in the best or the most promising sectors of economy.
Thus, in future, the state control over the very sectors is limited
and is granted by the tax inflow plus direct advantages, like an
increased employment (decreased unemployment) and higher
local demand. FDI, in course of time, influences positively local development of associated services, which again supports
budget revenues, employment and the demand. The critics,
however, show that national macroeconomic structure may lose
an own industry, if any. It might be the temporary phenomenon,
however, until the native capital capacities become competitive
enough to start its own expansion, perhaps outside the country,
too.
References
Broadman H.G. (2008), China and India go to Africa: New Deal in the
Developing World, “Foreign Affairs” no 2.
Dunning J.H. (2002), Theories and paradigms of international business
activity (vol. I), Edgar Elgar Publ. Ltd, UK.
Gudowski J. (2010), Selected topics of socio-economic transformation [in:]
A. Bąkiewicz, U. Żuławska (ed.), The development of a globalizing
world, PWE, Warsaw.

168

Ryszard Piasecki, Janusz Gudowski

Kaplinsky R., mcCormick D., Morris M. (2007), The impact of China
on Sub-Saharan Africa, “Working Paper” no 291, IDS Brighton.
Karaszewski W. (ed.) (2013), The investment activity of Polish companies
abroad – factors and effects, PWE, Warsaw.
National Bank of Poland (2014), Polish international investment in 2012,
Warsaw.
Piasecki R. (ed.) (2011), Economics of development (2nd ed.), PWE,
Warsaw.
Piasecki T. (2009), Globalization – the European Union – Poland. Poland
and European Integration, “Studies and monographs” No. 23, The
Academy of Entrepreneurship and Management, Lodz.
Piasecki R. (2012), The future of Brazilian megaspace key challenges
[in:] P. Artymowska, A. Kuklinski, P. Zuber, Reconfiguration of
the Global Scene and the Megaspaces of the XXI Century, Ministry
of Regional Development, Warsaw.
UNCTAD (2012), World Investment Report 2012. Towards a New Generation of Investment Policies, United Nations, New York – Geneva.
UNCTAD (2013/026) Press Release.
World Investment Report 2013 (2014), Global Value Chains: Investment
and Trade for Development. The World Bank.

Izabella Łęcka

Small and medium-sized enterprises
(SMEs) from the perspective
of the Economist Intelligence Unit
Education as a chance for the development
of the creative sector in Africa
Abstract
Small and medium enterprises (SMEs) play an important role in
global economic development mostly because small companies provide
majority of employment opportunities worldwide. But nowadays, SMEs
are facing the same macroeconomic pressures as bigger businesses, and
are struggling to find their niche within a rapidly globalised business
environment. They have to think about the world as a whole, and engage
a range of clients, suppliers, and contractors in multiple countries to
survive if they like to expand internationally. SMEs represent big spectrum of businesses, from financial services to retail. They face a number
of obstacles as they plan their international trade strategies, including
unreliable infrastructure, prohibitive set-up costs and unstable politics.
Economist Intelligence Unit reports are strives to identify the key issues
that small and medium enterprises (SMEs) cope with as they expand
internationally and to outline how companies have successfully resolved
these challenges. They discuss how high growth small and mid-sized
enterprises (SMEs) are scaling their organisations to provide resources
Izabela Łęcka – Professor. PhD in Geography, Institute for Regional
and Global Studies, University of Warsaw. Her research concerns global
problems in the contemporary world and medical geography. The areas
of interest are North Africa and Middle East.

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for growth whilst ensuring flexibility to respond quickly to changes in
market conditions; the role of technology in scaling SMEs; and success
factors in scaling headcount. Most of the information is obtained in Delphi methods which is not a very comfortable source of information in
African businesses. It is interesting to analyze some of the key findings
from the report in context of African business challenges:
1) The majority of SMEs see international trade as vital for their survival,
despite the risks and costs associated with expansion. While 40 percent of respondents currently earned zero revenue from international
operations, a clear majority expect to derive between 11 and 50 percent of their revenues internationally in five years’ time. Majority
of all respondents agreed that international trade was vital to their
survival, with broader client bases and stronger revenue topping the
list of trade benefits.
2) Companies see growth opportunities internationally – but the challenges of entering
new markets are a bigger concern.
3) The vast majority of SMEs expand into markets that are similar to
their own. Given the risks of expansion, most SMEs with international
operations have those operations in markets that resemble their own.
4) Tapping into established local networks is a good way to limit the
costs of expansion.
5) As far as developing markets go, China is the most attractive whereas
Africa is the least alluring.
What can we do with such an opinion? Can we identify any solutions?
Any indications?
Key words: Small and medium enterprises, global economic, African
business, Sub-Saharan Africa

* * *
Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) have a crucial
role in development of world economy, mainly because small
firms ensure the majority of jobs in the whole world. Nowadays,
SMEs face the same macroeconomic problems as big companies
and have to fight for finding a niche in globalized business envi-

Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs)...

171

ronment. They have to treat the world as one entity, and engage
number of clients, retailers and workers in many countries if they
want to survive and be competitive. SMEs are the big groups of
firms, engaging in finance services as well as e.g. selling. Their
existence is threatened by a number of problems, including questions about planning international strategy of development (the
infrastructure as well), enormous costs of restructuring and lack
of stability in the countries, which they want to cooperate with
(Scaling SMEs...2013).
Reports of the Economist Intelligence Unit describe the key
problems, which are faced by SMEs when they try to compete on
the global market. The majority of the data has been obtained by
the Delphi method, which unfortunately is a complicated tool to
be used, nor is it a credible source of information about African
enterprises. However, as the development of African entrepreneurship is indispensable, it is interesting to analyze the chosen key
conclusions of the report, in the context of business challenges in
Africa (Breaking borders...2014):
1. In the opinion of the majority researched SMEs, international
trade is important for them to survive, despite risk and costs caused
by the expansion. In the situation when 40 percent of respondents
calculated their current revenues connected with international activity as zero, the vast majority estimates to obtain 11–50 percent
of their income in next 5 years.
2. The majority of SMEs plan the expansion on the markets
similar to their own. Taking into consideration a risk related to
the expansion, the majority of SMEs think that they have a bigger
chance on markets reminding their own.
3. SMEs favor to develop their business in the location with
existing infrastructure, especially in telecommunication sector.
4. Good idea to limit the costs of expansion is to use the functioning local network.

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5. The most important factors which diversified costs of developing European and American business on the developing markets,
despite the corruption level, are the skills and competence of local
people.
6. China is the most attractive market of developing countries,
while Africa is the least.
What should be done with such an opinion? Can we draw any
conclusion for expansion of the African business on the international markets? Can Africa adapt ideas from China or other Asian
countries, which have undergone an economic boom during the
last 20 years?
The key condition is high quality of human capital, in the meaning of education and professional qualifications, which have an
impact on the creativity of economic sector. Well-educated people
are more innovative and open to high technologies and tools used
in every-day life.
The human capital, better known as human resources, plays an
important role in economic development. Human resources are
most often understood as the sources of knowledge, skills, health
and vital energy existing in every human and society. These sources
describe the human ability to work and to adapt to the changes
around, as well as to motivate to create new ideas. According to
the economists, the human capital is the most important factor
to develop technologies, services and innovation. It should be
supported by social capital, which is defined as the network of
connections and cultural capital, which includes knowledge and
skills of single human or society (Czerny A., Czerny M., 2006,
p. 284; Kuciński K., 1999, p. 53).
The following part of the article concerns the level of the education of the future African creative sector, i.e. the access of high- and
middle-educated people to the labor market, their international
cooperation in research and their effectiveness measured in the

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173

number of registered patents. The comparison with Asian countries, which are the example of success in international business,
provides the broader perspective.
More than 50 years ago, almost half of the world citizens
(43–50%) were illiterate, and the majority of them originated from
the so-called developing countries. Africa was the most affected
continent, where ca. 80–86 percent of people did not participate
in scholar education at all. Relatively high rates of literacy were
observed only in Democratic Republic of Congo which was a Belgium colony, where 35–40 percent of the society was able to read,
following Madagascar (30–35 percent) and Egypt (26 percent)
(Kaczmarek T., 1998, p.285).
Accordingly, in the half of the nineties of the 20th century, level
of literacy remained low in two main areas: Africa and Asia.
In Africa, indicators concerning the level of education in SubSaharan states are still the lowest in the world. In the beginning of
21st century only two third of men and one third of women were
able to read (World Education Report, 2000).
The second area of illiteracy is Asia, particularly South Asia.
Even in the late fifties and the sixties of 20th century in most
countries of Middle East, South Asia and Indochina, the illiteracy rate reached 80 percent, but in several countries of these
regions this indicator was even higher. 30 years later, in majority
of Middle East states, 75 percent of adult citizens were able to
read and write. The highest rate of literacy was noted in Israel
and the so-called Asian Tigers (90 percent and more), where
development of education system was accompanied by dynamic
economic growth in the seventies and eighties of 20th century
(Kaczmarek T., 1998, p. 284).
Besides the literacy indicator, effective method to examine the
education quality is to measure an average time of scholar education. People living in high developed countries spend at school

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more than 10 years. In turn, in Africa (e.g. in Burkina Faso, Nigeria,
Chad, Somalia) and in less developed Asian countries (Afghanistan,
Bhutan) the average education time is under 1 year. This indicator
well illustrates a social-economic gap between the richest and the
poorest countries (Kuciński K., 1999, p. 283).
In most economies (especially in developed ones), innovations in
50 percent cases stemmed from the company staff so they depend
on education of people who work in the enterprise. Thus, the appropriate quality of education and science research are the main
factors of innovative economy growth. Relation between education
and innovation is a long term process of indirect character. The
scientific results are helpful to make the education more modern,
yet well-educated human has more chances to be innovative. It
could be said that the education system has a bigger influence
on innovation level of economy even than system of scientific research. Although in contemporary world new technology markets
are dominated by huge international corporations, high speed of
new technology development creates new niches of specific technological chances, available for less developed countries as well
(Wierzbicki A., 1995).
It should be noted, that the biggest potential of people of 20–24
years, who are able to finish studies and work using high technologies and know-how, live in China. However, it will be surpassed by
India soon and then by African countries (all together) (Science
& Engineering Indicators, 2004, p. 34).
The number of graduated young people living in Sub-Saharan
Africa (Burkina Faso, Ethiopia, Mozambique) has varied from
1 percent in the beginning of new millennium to few percent in
2005. In 2010 the average rate of youngsters who finished the
high school was higher and reached 40 percent (Global Education
Digest, 2012). Unfortunately, students rarely choose technical or
engineering studies (World Education Indicators 2005).

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175

Several Asian states, especially those politically unstable, still
have a huge problem with education on the third level.
Top 10 African universities (4 International Colleges & Universities, 2013) are universities from South Africa (the University of
Cape Town, the University of Pretoria, Universiteit Stellenbosch, the
University of the Witwatersrand, the University of South Africa),
four Egyptian universities (The American University in Cairo, the
Cairo University, the Mansoura University, the Alexandria University), as well as the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania.
Simultaneously, in the last decade the universities of East,
South-East and South Asia (even without Japan) have made much
bigger progress in the quality of education. On the list of the best
world universities (QS Top World Universities, 2014/2015), in top
100 there are 12 Asian schools (excluding Japan) meanwhile the
University of Cape Town has been ranked on 171 place and the
University of the Witwatersrand on 318 place.
Among the best world universities there are schools from Hong
Kong, China, South Korea and Singapore. Thus, this is not surprising that these states are able to create innovation and added value
in relation to actual knowledge. It is well visible in the number of
scientific articles, inventions, as well as rising export and a growing number of scientists and engineers (Science and Technology
..., 2007).
Since the nineties of 20th century, the number of people in Asia
obtaining a doctoral degree in science and engineering (S&E)
faculties has risen, reaching 24.9 thousands in 2001 (Table 1).
Similar level was noted in the United States (26–27 thousands in
2001–2003) and it was nearly doubled in European Union (40–42
thousands in 2001–2003). 45 percent of Asians, who are doctors
in science and engineering faculties, have a Doctor of Engineering
degree (EngD), twice more than in EU or the US. (Asia’s rising...,
2007, p. 4).

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Table 1. The number of doctorates in science and engineering (SE)
in Asian countries
Field/The year
of reaching doctoral degree
All disciplines
(Science&Engineering) (S&E)

Asia

China

India

South
Korea

Taiwan

1995

15, 192

3, 417

4,000

1,920

650

2000

23,584

7,304

5,395

2,865

931

2001

24,874

8,153

5,394

2,956

970

2002

NA

9,523

5,527

3,225

1,069

2003

NA

12,238

6,318

3,192

1,167

1995

6,096

1,659

335

938

373

2000

11,163

4,484

723

1,654

502

2001

11,242

4,341

778

1,638

521

2002

NA

5,252

734

1,899

587

2003

NA

6,573

779

1,868

656

Doctorates on engineering

NA (not available). According to International Standards Classification of Education (ISCED 97), S&E
contains the following fields: education, humanities and arts, social sciences, business and law, business and administration, science, engineering, manufacturing and construction, agriculture, health
and welfare, as well as services (www.uis.unesco.org/TEMPLATE/pdf/isced/ISCED_A.pdf, pp: 39–45).
Source: Asia’s rising science and technology strength, 2007, p. 5; changed.

China visibly leads the „production” of Doctors of Engineering
ahead of other states in the region. It is also well observed that
in India the number of EngD is relatively small, only two times
bigger than in South Korea, which population is definitely smaller
(Table 1).
Moreover, a lot of young people decided to prepare their doctorates in well-developed states. It means that the real number of
doctors with Asian origin is much higher.
Many students from Third World were graduated not only in
the United States (pic. 1), but also in the Great Britain, France,
Canada and Japan. Annually, at the turn of 20th and 21st centuries,

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37 percent of doctorates on S&E in the Great Britain were prepared
by foreign students. Half of that number concerned engineering.
In France more than 20 percent of doctorates were written by foreigners (20 percent of this number on engineering), in Germany
– 9 percent, in Japan – 14 percent. 44 percent of doctors on mathematics and IT in the Great Britain and 29 percent in France were
foreigners. Persons with doctoral degree who decided to return to
the country of the origin have had a huge impact on development
of science and research, as well as on building economic power of
their countries (Science & Engineering..., 2004, p. 40).
Pic. 1. Regions of origin of foreign EngD in United States in 1990 and 2000.

Source: own work based on: Asia’s rising science and technology strength, 2007, p. 12.

In last couple of years the signs of success of Asian „Tigers” have
been visible primarily in science. Since 1991 Chinese scientists
have been the largest group of doctors of science and engineering
among Asian and EU citizens (from 1.5 thousand to 3.1 thousand
of Chinese doctors per year). From the middle of the nineties of
20th century there have been 3 times more Chinese doctors than

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Indians and 2.5 times more than Korean (having regard to the difference between demographic potential of these states). Moreover,
in last few years the number of publications written by Asian S&E
scientists has significantly risen.
There is a small number of African students on American
universities in spite of the fact that United Nations led program
(USAID) which already 30 years ago envisaged support for the
development of science and technology in Africa. However, it was
interrupted in the beginning of the eighties of 20th century. Private
foundations made the similar decision. Nevertheless, for few years
the American and African cooperation on education and science
has been growing. A consortium of Ford, Rockefeller, Carnegie
and McArthur Foundations has renewed the investments in many
African universities. The consortium is planned to be supported
by other organizations. The cooperation will concern students’
exchange, training, science research and improvement of skills in
fields of health, agriculture, environment and private sector. The
main goal is to create the African leaders of entrepreneurship and
technology. (Lake A., Whitman Ch. T., 2006, p.122).
In years 1988–2001 in Sub-Saharan Africa, the number of articles published in ISI Citation Index fell, which is evidently related
to the shrinking science activity in this region. That was caused by
dramatically small activity of scientists in Nigeria and RSA, after
political changes in the nineties (Regional and ..., 2004). Nevertheless, these two countries accompanied by Kenya and Zimbabwe
are still on top list of places in Africa, where significant group of
scientists publish in prestigious world magazines. Excluding those
countries, publishing scientists become also from Cameroon,
Ethiopia, Senegal, Tanzania and Uganda. Science is much more
developed in North African countries and in the Middle East.
Although the science market is dominated by Western experts
(according to Zegeye and Vambe, 2006), the number of scientists

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179

with African roots has been growing dynamically. As authors suggest, „science production” is not free from the influence of political ideologies, thus governments should ensure the best conditions for science development. Although the number of publications
is growing each year in all African regions, the role of Africa in
global „scientific production” is still really insignificant. (pic. 2).
Pic. 2. The growth of number of working people with at least secondary
education in the world, years 1990–2000

Source: Barrow R.J., Lee J J., 2000, International Data on Educational Attainment, CID Working
Paper, 42, Center for International Development; quoted from: Asia’s rising science and technology
strength, 2007, p. 9.

For many countries spending on research and development
(R&D) is a key factor of economic growth and prosperity. The
amount of R&D spending is treated as an indicator of country’s
potential to implement technological innovations.
In poorer states spending on development of R&D sector is really
crucial, because it shows political and economic will to connect
country with processes of global development and permanent
modernization of public life.

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Due to diverse level of economic development in Asia and Africa,
the scale of public spending on R&D is different. The majority of
African countries and several poorer Asian states do not invest in
R&D at all or they allocate only a little amount of money (Table 2).
In 2005–2012 spendings in Sub-Saharan Africa were the lowest
in the world (0.58 percent of region’s GDP), whereas in the same
period the East Asian countries spent 2 percent of GDP (World
Development Indicators: Science and technology, 2015).
Table 2. Spendings on R&D in 2005–2012 in African countries (official
data only)
No.
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24

Country
Algeria
Botswana
Burkina Faso
ex Republic of Congo
Egypt
Ethiopia
Gabon
Gambia
Ghana
Kenya
Lesotho
Madagascar
Mali
Morocco
Mauritius
Mozambique
Namibia
Nigeria
RSA
Senegal
Tanzania
Uganda
Cape Verde
Zambia

R&D spendings
(% GDP) 2000–2005
0,16
0,39
0,18

0,19
0,20




0,06
0,16


0,38
0,52


0,87
0,09

1,25

0,03

Source: own work based on World Development Indicators 2008, 2015.

R&D spendings
(% GDP) 2005–2012
0,07
0,53
0,20
0,13
0,43
0,25
0,58
0,13
0,38
0,98
0,01
0,11
0,66
0,73
0,37
0,46
0,14
0,22
0,76
0,54
0,52
0,56
0,07
0,34

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The R&D funds flow from a state budget (GERD – Government
Expenditure on R&D), economy (BERD – Business Expenditure on
R&D) and in much smaller scale from private non-profit institutions,
e.g. foundations (PERD – Private Expenditure on R&D). The base
for deeper analysis of the modernization and innovation of states’
economies should be built on indicators concerning the structure
of spending and job creation in R&D sector. Unfortunately it is
not possible due to lack of data in many African and Middle East
countries, as well as in less developed Asian states.
Investments on R&D are simultaneously the reason but also
the consequence of economic development. Invested funds do
not come entirely from state budget. Part of money comes from
foreign investments of high developed countries on research in
dynamic developing countries. In American research prepared
by Kauffman Foundation (Hatzichronoglou T., 2008, p. 69–70),
international corporations marked the most important issues for
choosing the localization of R&D investment in developing countries: the potential of growth, the quality of scientific staff, lower
cost of research, chances of cooperation with universities and
support in product sale. The most crucial differences concern the
role of intellectual properties and possibilities of preserving them
in developed and developing countries. It means that despite the
importance of preserving intellectual properties on the raising
markets and potential danger of steeling them, they do not seem
to be vital reasons to obey the law.
The amount of GERD shows the importance of political support
for development. The amount of BERD is the factor of interest of
business for development. The share of public spending on R&D in
GDP depends on economy structure and export of a given country.
Bigger share of processing industry in export (particularly hi-tech)
means bigger investments related to R&D.
The amount and structure of investment also depend on:

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– pro-export industry orientation, because the production located
on foreign markets has to maintain high and permanent innovation to be competitive (higher value of BERD);
– type of state technology policy. If the state supports only existing knowledge and assumes that import or wide use of foreign
technologies (particularly advanced technologies) gives better
results than own R&D actions (what is characteristic for developing countries), GERD indicator will be relatively lower;
– high rate of depreciation of the results of R&D and related capital
investments (buildings, equipment). It causes investment’s growth,
because it increases the costs and thus reduces the tax base;
– tax breaks for R&D enterprises. When this kind of instruments
promoting R&D is introduced to fiscal system, it evidences the
pro-investment state policy;
– higher investments on research and development are conducive
to the high share of large companies in the overall industrial
structure (higher value of BERD).
However, according to Maciej Grabski (2006), not GERD, but
the value of BERD is the most crucial indicator of innovation and
economic stimulator. Low value of BERD, ca. 30 percent, is characteristic for low-innovated economies.
It is impossible to say that African countries have important
contribution in modern entrepreneurship and high technologies. At
the same time Asian countries are deeply engaged in global hi-tech
market, products and services, as well as they spend a lot of money
investing in their own R&D projects (Asia’s rising ..., 2007). It is not
known, what was the real beginning of this spectacular development.
According to Easterly (2008, p. 293–4), this process supposedly has
not been started due to the support of World Bank (as it is emphasized in World Bank publications), but thanks to young, creative
entrepreneurs. A good example is National Institute of Information
Technology (NITT), private IT school established in India by Rajendra

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183

Pawar i Vijay Thadani in the beginning of ‘80. They have quickly
decided to expand their activity, giving concessions for new schools
in the cities and countryside, where there was a demand for it. NITT
preserved its trademark very carefully by unified classes, teachers’
training and controls the standards of teaching. The project became
perspective and profitable. Similarly, India has reached a spectacular
success in providing IT services for American companies. The most
expensive firm on the Indian stock exchange ensures services to 138
enterprises ranked in Fortune 1000 and Global 500. The founder,
Mr Azim Premji graduated from the Stanford University.
In developing countries, most companies doing business in the
R&D sector are foreign. Only 237 of 1250 biggest R&D corporations
have huge budget and turnover about 130 million dollars per year.
Two third of them are American. 65 percent of them act in the IT
sector (including software) and 25 percent in biotechnology and
pharmacy (Hatzichronoglou T., 2008, p. 48).
Table 3. Research and development in Africa and the Middle East financed
by international corporations, with 50 percent share of United
States in 2004 (millions of US dollars)
Region/country
Africa
Egypt
Nigeria
RSA
others
Middle East
Israel
Saudi Arabia
Emirates
Others
South America and Caribbean

2004
28
2
D
23
0
875
872
D
2
0
726

D – secret data
Source: U.S. Direct Investment Abroad: Financial and operating data for U.S. Multinational Companies,
2004.

184

Izabella Łęcka

The amount of spending on R&D is an indicator which determines the growth of the number of registered patents or trademarks, as well as rising of export of new technology and technical
services. The patent’s activity is very often perceived as a measure
of country’s innovation. However, it is difficult to compare the
values of this indicator measured in different countries, due to
diversity of patent regulation. What helps to make it more useful
is an annual list of patents in USA, containing data of inventors’
nationalities (Table 4).
Table 4. Patents obtained in United States by individual inventors and
organizations from different parts of the world* in 2008. Source: own work based on: Patent statistics report available for
viewing, 2008; different schedules.
Region/
country/
territory
China
Hong Kong
India
South Korea
Singapore
Taiwan
Thailand
Malaysia
Philippines
Kenya
RSA

2004

2008

individual organizations’ ∑
patents**
patents

individual organizations’ ∑
patents
patents

83
59
16
262
12
1860
6
13
1
3
36

121
59
25
196
17
1065
3
1
0
1
19

200
139
278
3802
365
3423
0
43
17
3
14

283
198
294
4064
377
5283
6
56
18
6
50

Change
in years
2004–2008[%]
822
145
495
6977
296
4658
1
121
9
0
19

943
204
520
7173
313
5723
4
122
9
1
38

233
3
93
76,5
–17
8
–33
118
50
–500
–24

* The patent is included to the heritage of this country, from which came the first inventor on the list.
** The list of patents registered for a given country by the origin of the main inventor includes only
these organizations, which in 2004–2008 obtained at least 5 patents. The overall number of patents
could be larger.

Among the African countries, Egypt, Kenya and the RSA have
the larger number of patents, although the role of the RSA in the

Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs)...

185

world science has been unfortunately falling down since the middle of the nineties of 20th century.

Conclusions
The development of SMEs in Africa is really vital, not only
because of expected incomes, but also regarding new jobs creation for the rising number of young people, who have just started
their professional carriers. It should be remembered that the economic success of Asian states was involved with the cooperation
with foreign companies, which chose Asia for expansion mainly
because of human capital. African countries have to try their best
to create the most friendly and flexible business environment. The
infrastructure gap will be reduced steadily, but it takes time and
capital, which is lacking in many countries’ budgets. Relatively the
most promising seems the plan for improvement of education of
young Africans. Thanks to educational investments Asian countries
have reached a spectacular economic success in 20 years. Such
a strategy should be repeated in Africa. If not, none international
aid will resolve the economic problems of Africa.
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Kibona, K. and Shilla, B.

A Role of Saving in Solving
the Problem of Capital among SMEs
A case Study of SMEs in Iringa Municipality
Abstract
The study aimed at assessing the role of saving in solving the problem
of capital among SMEs in Iringa Municipality. The research was guided by
three objectives: to determine the sources of fund among SMEs, to compare
between the contributions of saving and other sources of finance to capital
structure among SMEs, and to examine factors affecting the level of saving
among SMEs owners. The research was guided by three research questions:
What are the sources of fund among SMEs, to what extent does saving
contribute to capital structure among SMEs, as compared to other sources
of finance, and what are the factors affecting the level of saving among
business owners? Cross sectional survey research design was employed to
collect data from SMEs owners in Iringa Municipality, who were selected
randomly. Data analysis was done using a Statistical Package of Social
Science (SPSS). Descriptive results were presented using frequency tables.
Linear regression model was used to assess the factors affecting the level
of saving. The findings revealed that the level of initial capital, number of
dependents and level of profit had significant effect on the level of saving.
Key words: SMEs, Savings, Source of Capital

Introduction
The small and medium scale industry is seen as the key to
Tanzania’s economic growth, alleviation of poverty and unemploy-

190

Kibona, K. and Shilla, B.

ment in the country. Available data shows that SMEs contribute
about 40% to the country’s Gross Domestic Product (Tamara,
2006). SMEs are said to be 80% of registered businesses, each
employing between 5 and 99 people (Tamara, 2006). Promotion
of such enterprises is therefore of paramount importance since it
brings about a great distribution of income and wealth, economic
self-dependence, entrepreneurial development employment and
a host of other positive, economic uplifting factors.
According to the EU Survey report (2011), 74.8% of companies
used debt financing. Unsurprisingly, the use of debt financing increased with enterprise size class. Debt financing was used by 66.3%
of all micro-enterprises, 79.3% of all small enterprises, and 85% of
medium-sized enterprises. The difficulty of using own savings in
solving the problem of capital affects both developed and developing
countries, though mostly affects developing ones. Debt access among
emerging entrepreneurs has been a problem especially to youth who
lack collaterals as required by most of financial institutions.
Background of the Problem
Most of the African Small-Medium Enterprises struggle to
raise capital to establish and expand their businesses. According
to Kauffmann (2005), “Africa’s SMEs have little access to finance,
which thus hampers their emergence and eventual growth. Their
main sources of capital are their retained earnings and informal
savings, and loan associations, which are unpredictable, not very
secure and have little scope for risk sharing because of their regional or sectorial focus.
Over the past fifteen years, Tanzania has marked as one of the
developing countries on an ambitious and long process of economic,
social, and political reforms to improve the business environment
and to increase economic growth and reduce poverty. The Government approved the SME Development Policy in 2003. The policy

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191

examines the contributions of the SMEs in the economic, social
and political reforms embarked by Tanzania for the past years, as
stipulated in the (FYDP); 2011/12-2015/16; “to improve the business environment so as to increase economic growth and finally
reduce the prevalent poverty level”.
Research Objectives
General Objectives
The main objective of the research was to assess the role of
savings in solving the problem of capital to the SMEs.
Specific Objectives of the Study
Researcher studied the problem by focusing on the following
specific objectives
1) To determine the sources of fund among SMEs.
2) To compare between the contributions of saving and other
sources of finance to capital structure among SMEs.
3) To examine factors affecting the level of saving among SMEs owners.
Research Questions
1) What are the sources of fund among SMEs?
2) To what extent does saving contribute to capital structure among
SMEs as compared to other sources of finance?
3) What are the factors affecting the level of saving among business owners?
Significance of the Study
The study is significant to SMEs owners and Government. To
SME’s, the results of this study will help them to work out various methods of accessing saving in raising and expanding capital
structure of their business. Suggestions and recommendations

192

Kibona, K. and Shilla, B.

arising from this research are helpful to them in overcoming the
problems of financing their businesses. To the Government, the
study will compliment on the efforts of Government in promoting
development of SME’s. The results will create awareness on the
problems hindering SME’s level of saving for financing business
and hence recommendation on their solutions will give Government an opportunity to support SMEs in Tanzania.
Literature Review
Review of Relevant Theory: Pecking Order Theory
Myers (1984) argued that firms prefer internal finance to external one and, if resort to external finance becomes necessary,
debt finance is preferred to equity finance. If internal funds are
not enough to finance investment opportunities, firms may or may
not acquire external financing, and if they do, they will choose
among the different external finance sources in such a way as to
minimize additional costs of asymmetric information.
Conceptual Framework

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193

Empirical Literature Review
Due to difficulties in accessing finances, many SMEs start with
personal savings, or finances borrowed from family and friends.
Okraku and Croffie (1997) argued that SMEs rely primarily on
personal savings of owners, business profits, family members or
friends for their financial needs (they have little or no access to
external credit). This is caused by high cost of borrowing which
leads SMEs to prefer mostly personal saving to loan. Having noted
that saving rates in Africa are generally estimated to be low and
stagnant, most of SMEs in Africa have earn low profit and have
large family size which lead to more consumption than saving.
Due to low profit, SMEs use that money for family purpose, which
reduces the level of saving for improving the business.
According to Nesta (2009), debt financing is the most widely
used form of finance as it is generally one of the least expensive
ways to raise finance. It is most suitable for established lower risk
businesses, with a stable cash flow to repay the debt. Lack of access
to finance has been cited as problem for SMEs, while information
on the financial performance and capital structure of SMEs is
generally unavailable. Within the access to finance category, credit
conditions relating primarily to interest rate, maturity, collateral
requirements and lending procedures were perceived to be the
most important limiting factors.

Methodology
Research Design, sampling and data collection
The study used cross-section survey design, the method was chosen as it is non-resource intensive in terms of time and money, but it
is capable of exploring the required data. The study was conducted
in Iringa Municipality, the areas with large number of SMEs varying
in characteristics. The targeted population specified by the researcher

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Kibona, K. and Shilla, B.

was the owners of small and medium enterprises located in Iringa
Municipality. The researcher used probability sampling method.
Data Analysis
Descriptive data were presented by using frequencies tables and
cross tabs which used responses from respondents and were analyzed by reflecting the objectives and goals. The answers provided
by the respondents were analyzed with descriptive statistics and
frequencies measures found on SPSS. Those kind of measures used
depend on the required analysis needed by researcher. Frequency
distribution table was used to present results of descriptive data.
To assess factor affecting level of saving, linear regression model
has been used. The linear regression used in this study is,
LoS = β0 + β1Age+ β2Sex + β3 Dependants
+ β4Profit + β6Capital + β7Education
Where LoS represents Level of Saving

Research Findings and Discussion
Respondent Background Information
Sex of Respondents
The finding shows that 32 (64%) of the respondents were male
and 18 (36%) were female, as shown in the table 1. It seems that
most of the businesses were owned by men. There is a need to
encourage women to get involved in entrepreneurship issues so
as to improve economy and welfare of their families.
Religion of the Respondents
Data show that, 36 (72%) of the respondents were Christian
while Muslim were 13 (26%) and Hindu were 1 (2%) of the re-

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195

spondents. This variation occurred because researcher obtained
the respondents by using random probability sampling; though in
areas were the research was conducted Muslims and Christians
dominated rather than other religions such as Hindu. Religion has
a little impact on establishing businesses especially in this region,
unlike other places where religions have some sort of hindering
the involvement of some of the people in business.
Age of the Respondents
Data show that 26 (52%) were aged between 26–31 years,
followed by 8 (16%) percent of respondents aged 20–25 years.
The results therefore reveal that majority of the respondents, who
participated in the study were aged around 26–31 years, meaning
that youth have awaken on self-employment instead of waiting or
depending on working for the institutions/organization.
Education Level
Majority of the participants in this study were primary school
leavers, occupying 19 (38%) of the participants in the study. This
was followed by secondary school leavers by difference of 2 respondents having 17 (34%) of respondents. Then, respondents
who held diploma were only 6 (12%), followed by Certificate and
Degree holders occupying 4 (8%) each.
The results reflect that most of the owners of small and medium businesses were the ones who have low level of education
because 72% of respondents have primary and secondary education, while 28% of respondents have above secondary education.
The human capital theory postulates that the more educated and
experienced the individual, the higher the degree of success in
economic activities, so we expect to find a positive relationship
between human capital variables and business performance
(Chirwa, 2008).

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Kibona, K. and Shilla, B.

Location of the Business
Location of the business is another variable which contributes
a lot in the performance of the business, especially in the issues of
increasing capital in the business. The results show, that 16 (32%)
of the SMEs were located around schools and colleges, followed
by respondents located at roadside/footpath and commercial in
which each location has own 13 (26%) of the respondents in the
study. 7 (14%) of the SMEs were located in the market place and
1 (2%) of the respondents used mobile market.
3.1.6 Number of Dependents
Number of dependents is considered as the important variable in
this study. The study assumes that even the number of dependents
affects the increase of capital to the business. The results from findings show that majority of the respondents have 3–4 dependents
with having 20 (40%) of the total respondents, followed by 0–2
dependents and 5–6 dependents where both have 12 (24%) each.
And respondents who have more than 7 dependents cover only 6
(12%) of the respondents.
Level of Saving
The study wanted to explore the average level of saving per
day, where the researcher assumes that the level of saving has
a positive relationship with the access to own saving. Majority of
the respondents save 0–5,000 per day, which occupies 27 (54%)
of the respondents, followed by those who save between 5,001
and 10,000 by 13 (26%). Then, 4 (8%) of the respondents save
more than 20,000. Respondents who save 10,001–15,000 and
15,001–20,000 occupy 3 (6%) of the respondents. This means
that the majority of the SMEs have a low level of saving which
can lead to little access to own saving because researcher believes,
that saving determines the accessibility of own saving.

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197

Table 1: Distribution of Respondents According to Daily Average Saving
Daily Average Saving
0–5,000
5,001–10,000
10,001–15,000
15,001–20,000
20,001+
Total

Frequency
27
13
3
3
4
50

Percent
54
26
6
6
8
100

Level of Profit
Findings show that 21 (42%) of the respondents make profit between 10,001 and 20,000 per day, followed by respondents who earn
a profit between 0 and 10,000 per day by having 18 (36%). 9 (18%)
of respondents making profit of 30,001+ per day and 2 (4%) of respondents make a profit between 20,001 and 30,000 per day. This
means that the majority of the respondents earn a low profit per day
whereby this can be caused by the small size of their businesses. This
may hinder not only accessibility of their own saving but even other
sources of finance which lead to difficulties on increasing capital.
Contribution Saving to Capital Structure
From the findings it results that saving contributes by 69.49%
on average and another source of finance contributes by 30.51%
on average to the capital structure of the SMEs. This means SMEs
have more access on saving from the level of starting their business
and lead to operate under little pressure which can help them to
make profit instead of focusing on the debt finance, which can
lead them to get low profit or to operate under loss.
Results of Linear Regression
Table 2: Model Summary
Model

R
.821

R Square
.674

Adjusted R Square
.629

Kibona, K. and Shilla, B.

198

Based on our model, the correlation is 82.1%, which indicates
a good level of prediction. Independent variables explain 62.9%
of the variability of level of saving which indicated through R2
value which is a relative strong association between independent
variables and dependent variables.
Table 3: Linear Regression
Model

Unstandardized
Coefficients
B

(Constant)
Gender
Initial Capital
Education
Age
Number of Dependants
Level of Profit

.206
–.043
1.162
.132
.132
.332
.980

Std. Error
.395
.252
.358
.304
.395
.160
.245

Standardized
Coefficients

t

Sig.

.520
-.170
3.249
.435
.334
2.082
4.007

.606
.866
.002
.666
.740
.043
.000

Beta
–.016
.420
.048
.042
.254
.389

Results of Linear Regression
The results in Table 3 show that capital, level of profit and
dependents are all statistically significant to the level of saving,
which means their p-value is less than 0.05, while other variables
including age, education and gender are statistically insignificant
to the level of saving (p>0.05).
Predictors of the level of saving with Capital (b=1.162, p=0.002);
capital coefficient is positive, which means SMEs with high capital
have predicted to save more than the ones who have used low capital
in their business and the results mean, that if the capital increases to
the business in one unit, the level of saving is predicted to increase
by 1.162, too. Level of profit (b=0.98, p=0.000), which means SMEs
which earn more profit per day have a chance of having a higher
level of saving than ones who have earned low profit per day: this
indicates, that as the level of profit increases by 1 TSH, the level of

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199

saving will increase by 0.98 TSH. Dependants (b=0.332, p=0.043),
this means as dependents change by 1, the level of saving is also
going to change by 0.332 TSH.
Ambrose J. (2012), in his study tests factors for saving mobilization in which one of the variables was dependency level, shows
that the dependence level was statistically significant to saving
mobilization. The results show that the number of dependents
and the savings for growth show very significant variation at 0.01
level of significance (F = 4.99, df = 3), p = 0.002) showing that
the dependency level is a factor with an immense influence on
savings mobilization for growth of woman enterprises.
From the results the researcher concludes that capital, profit
and dependents related to the level of saving of the SMEs, as these
variables change, lead to the change of the level of saving of the
SMEs. SMEs should improve capital of their business, which may
lead to increase the profit and their level of saving.

Conclusion and Recommendations
Conclusion
First question wanted to know sources of fund among SMEs
and sources considered in this objective were: savings, profit, loan
and friends/family. Findings show that SMEs mostly use their own
saving in the processes of increasing capital to their business.
Saving is a loan taken to increase capital which represents other
sources of finance. Second question wanted to know the contribution on own saving and other sources of finance on to capital structure among SMEs. The findings show that own saving contributes
a lot to the SMEs capital structure, whereby own saving occupies
69.49% on the capital structure of the SMEs while other sources
of finance have only 30.51% in the capital structure of the SMEs.
This data valuated from the start-up capital of the respondents.

200

Kibona, K. and Shilla, B.

Third question wanted to examine factors for accessibility of own
saving. Through various literature reviews which deal with the accessibility of capital, researcher formulates different independent
variables whereby researcher thinks that they contribute to the
accessibility of own saving.
Researcher uses the following variables gender including
age, sex, dependents, capital, level of saving and level of profit.
Through the linear regression test, it shows that capita, profit
and dependents are statistically significant to the dependent
variable, which means that only this variable can determine
the accessibility of own saving to the SMEs or increasing their
capital to the business. Even if other variables show that they are
insignificant in determining the accessibility of own saving but
the researcher thinks that some of them clearly have impact on
the accessibility of own saving because on the analysis, which
use cross tabs, some of them show that they have impact on the
accessibility of their own saving.

Recommendations
The study recommends the following: SMEs should put more
efforts on using own saving in establishing and expanding their
business. This will help them to increase their level of profit. When
they use more loans on establishment and expanding businesses
even the level of profit and saving will decline because they should
repay the loans provided.
References
Ambrose, J. (2012). Savings mobilization for growth of women-owned
entrepreneurial ventures in Kenya. “International Journal of Business and Social Science” Vol. 3 No. 15.

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European Union (2011). SMEs access to finance, Ipsos Mori.
Myers, S. (1984). Finance Theory and Finance Strategy. Institute of
management sciences.
NESTA (2009). “Reshaping the UK Economy”. The Role of Public Investment
in Financing Growth. Business Economics and Skills.
Kauffmann, C. (2005). “Financing SMEs in Africa”. Policy insights No. 7.
Africa Development Bank.
Kamara, H., (2013). European Small Business Finance Outlook, “Research
& Market Analysis”, Luxembourg.

conclusions
The conference held at the University of Iringa was an exceptional opportunity for the Polish and Tanzanian researchers to
meet regardless of physical distance separating these faraway
countries. In fact, they share not only similar experiences of the
socialist system but also common problems of the contemporary
world. The meeting broadened our general knowledge by adding
a wide variety of both theoretical and empirical approaches and
also paved the way for publication of this volume. Unfortunately,
some of the authors who had participated in the conference did
not manage to send their papers. Nevertheless, we do hope that
the collected texts will suffice to acquaint the potential readers
with multifaceted aspects of sustainable development. Contemporary times confront us with increasingly demanding tasks to
better ourselves, to improve our scientific and didactic work, and
to enhance the surrounding world. However, we can face these
civilizational challenges only once we realize the necessity of sustainable development and timely avert all negative phenomena
caused by ourselves. We believe that this book will trigger reflection and inspire discourse both among scientists and students. We
also hope that the Tanzanian-Polish conferences will be held in
the future on a cyclical basis, as suggested by Prof. Nicholas Bang,
the chancellor of the University of Iringa.
Maciej Ząbek

Kolekcja

Cytat

Ząbek, Maciej (ed.), “Sustainable development in Sub-Saharan Africa,” Cyfrowa Etnografia, Dostęp 4 grudnia 2022, https://cyfrowaetnografia.pl/items/show/6241.

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