Cyfrowa Etnografia

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Part of Summary / LUD 1939-45 t.36

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SUMMARY

A la memoire
du Prof. Dr. Adam Fischer

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Redacteur en chef du „Lud" (Peuple) secretaire de „La Societe etnographique", professeur d'ethnographie et d'ethnologie
a l'uniwersite de Jean Casimir a Lwów, membre de Г Admini­
stration centrale de la „Commission internat!ocalę des Arts Populaires" et de beaucoup d'autres soeietes scientifiques et
d'utilite publique en Pologne.
Le 22 deeembre 1943, mouirut prematurement a Lwów, le
prof. Adam Fischer, ne en 133S a Przemyśl,
La cause de за mort etait l'epuisement general occasionne
par les : е т р э si durs depuis 1'eclat de la guerre en 1939, ainsi
que le manque de nouiriture et т е т е la famine, supplee aux
souffrances moraoix pendant les aamees d' occupation aliemande.
Malgrć les temps durs et les conditions penibles, le prof.
Adam Fischer eu le talent de sauver du Г orage de la guerre —
la plus grandę partie de la bibliotheque et les archives e n t i ­
res de la „Societe ethnographique".
Gagnant son pain pendant ce temps, comme teneur de livres,
dans un magasin de bois, i l avait acheve une serie des travaux
scie-ntifique.s et d'esquisses biographiques, commences avantla
guerre. A ce cycle appartient la monograph i e de Zorian Dołęga
Chodakowski, "le premier ethnographe polonais (imprimee dans
le t. X X X V I du „Peuple").

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La productivrte scientifique d' Adam Fischer oontenait tous
les domaines d'ethnographie et d'ethnologie. Elle comprenait
aussi les problemes d'histoire au point de vue de la civilisation.
L"ef£et de son travail assidu comtierat plus de 160 positions bibliographique et plus de 700 articles, critiques et rapports. Parmi
les grands travaux d'Adam Fischer, meri'tent иле consideration
sp6ciale, les monographies.

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„Les usages funeraires du peuple polonais" — etude comparce, bwów. 1921.
„Les Ruthens" ebauche ethnographique des Ruthens.
Lwów. 1928.
. „L'ethnograpbie Slave"
1. partie - Pclabianie, Lwów. 19.41.
2. partie - les Lusaiiens. Lwów. — Warszawa. 1932.
„Uethnopraphie de ia busse ance..ne\ Gdynia. 1937.
En anglais:
„A reconstruction of ar.ehnt Pm>s.en Ethnography" (Baltic
and' Scandinavian Countri.es. I I I . 441 — 449).
„The Cassubia-n C i v ; L , a i i '. Pari if. Ca.subian and
Polish Etnography, a comparative Study, London, 1935, avec
la preface de Bronisław Malinowski, prof, d'astrophologie
a l'umversite de Londres.
Avec le prof. Adam Fischer la science polonaise a perdu non
seulement un ethnographe eminent t un organisateur des travaux oollectifs de premiere oroLre, mais avant tout un Homme,
dont le trait dominant c'etait HUMANITAS.
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Joseph Gajek

In memory of an eminent Polish ethnologist
Prof. Dr. Stanisław Poniatowski
Among the losses which Polish culture suffered through
German extermination the destruction of what is called i n l e l l i gents-La comes in the first place. One of the many victims of this
hecatomb was the eminent Polish ethnologist Prof. St. Paniatowski wtho died i n a concentration camp in 1945.
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He was arrested in his flat m Warsaw, in November 1942,
detained for several months- in the Pawiak prison, transferred
to the hard work camp at Majdanek, finally, in the spring of
1944, he was sent off to a camp i n Sudetenland. Here, after a half
year's stay, he died in his 61st year at the end of January 1945,
a' few weeks only before the allied forces relieved the camp.

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He was born on October 6th, 1884. After finishing his srecm.dary school in Warsaw he studied from 1902—1905 mathematics,
physi.cs and technics at the Warsaw School of Politechnics. As
the school strike and the boycott :zi Russian schools didn't allow
him to continue these studies he completed his knowledge of
languages, ancient :and modem.
"political disturbances preventing further studies in his own
country, he joined in 1906 the philosophical faculty at the Zu­
rich University, Here he undertook the study of anthropology,
his work being guided mainly by Martin, the anthropologist, the
ethnologist Stoli and the piehistorian Heierli. I n summer of 1911
he received a degree of a Philosophy. Doctor w i t h honours at the
Zurich University.
Being back in Poland he begins in 1912/13 his scientific
career as an assistant in the anthropological laboratory of the
Warsaw Society of Sciences. Early in 1914 he established an
efthnalogica't laboratory dependant on the ethnographical colle­
ctions of the Warsaw Industrial and Agricultural Museum. In
May of 1914 the U. S. National Museum of Washington D, C.
asked him to join the scientific expedition charged' w i t h anthro­
pological and ethnographical studies in the Amur land, Eastern
Siberia. The tribes on the lower Amur and on the Humgari were
the particular Object of his studies. The war stopped his work
awl became back to Warsaw in the autumn of 1914.
When the Russians left Warsaw in 1915 the Central Social
Commitee and the Warsaw Society of Sciences charged him to
take care of the library which was to be the University's. The
University having beaa established he became this library's di­
rector. As this job did not leave him time enough for his scienti­
fic work, he resigned of his position in autumn of 1919 and
undertook i n the Anthropological Institute of the Warsaw Scien­
tific Society to manage the technological division, also after it
had grown into an independent institute.
In July 1920 he joined the ammy and took part i-rv the cam­
paign as private i n the 3d cavalry wire company. After this
brief war interruption he returned to his chair of ethno-

428
graphy which he had taken i n 1916 at the Universite libre of
Warsaw. He remained its professor until in 1934 he was appoin­
ted professor extraordinary at the Warsaw (state) University.

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I n 1914 he became a collaborating member t the (Polish)
Academy of Sciences i n 1915 actual member to the Warsaw
Society, i n 1915 active member to the Polish Oriental istic So­
ciety.
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Since 1921 he publishes with prof. Stolyhwc- the Archives
of the Anthropological Sciences and is there chief editor in the
ethnological section.
Besides popular articles, critics and translations which
appeared in different periodicals he published 27 works, six of
them in German, one i n English, two in French.
He has left plenty of materials for further works and very
rich card indexes. Two works are almost ready for pi ail: the
first about methods proper in ethnology lor the study of creation
investigated to its origins; the second about experiments taken,
during seances w i t h Ossowiecki and concerning prehistoric*!
cultures.
His fellow professors acknowledged hiim to be the best specia­
list i n the field of general ethnology.
A historian of culture has left us who among his colleagues
and students w i l l always be remembered as a man of high i n ­
terior culture, as a true Christian humanist. This is the greatest
loss for our times wchich for culture's sake need creative
minds so badly.
Fr. Edward Bulanda S. J .

The fifty years of the Ethnographical Society
by Prof. Dr. Jan Czekanowski
On Nov. 22, 1945, at the 50th anniversary of its existence,
the Ethnographical Society, after the war catastrophe, started
anew its activity. The Lublin Catholic University was for this

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time chosen as the Society's seat. The 21st general meeting
was held there and decided to take up again the Sociey's scien­
tific researches and publications. The programme accepted by
the new board includes: the resuming of the publication „Lud"
(The People) counting 25 volumes printed before the war; of
the „Prace Etnograficzne" {Ethnographical Treatises) with
5 vol. printed up to now; moreover the publication of „Prace
Etnolcgiczne" (Ethnological Treatises) and the preparation of
a new Polish ethnographical atlas.
On. starting a new period of the Ethnographical Society's
activity let's go back and see what it achieved t i l l now.
As far back as 1891 Seweryn Udziela (1) had the idea of
founding an Ethnographical Society, but it came to life only
on Febr, 9, 1895. I n the same year appears the 1st vol. of the
„Lud". A t almost the same time all over Europe different
ethnographical periodicals are founded like the „Zeitschrift
des Vereins fur Volkerkunde" (1891). „Dania tidsknift for
folkemal og folkeminder" (1890), „Сошку Folklore" (1890),
„Bulletin de Folk-lore" (1891) and others. Despite the lack of
independence Polish science didn't allow itself to be left
behind i n that field. Although a teacher, first of all, has had
the idea of founding an Ethnographical Society, he was sup¬
ported with much favour and activity by Polish scientific cir­
cles. Antoni Kalina (2), Jan Karłowicz, Stefan Ramułt, Hen­
ryk Biegeleisen (3) were the pioneers who at once raised to
a high level the new founded Society. The Ethnographical
Society found a special support in the Lwów University and
this collaboration gave good results mainly as for publications;
i t allowed the Society to survive many a crisis and difficulty.
The Society's first president and editor of the „Lud", A n ­
toni Kalina, a philologist of great merit, applied to the perio( i ) Tadeusz Seweryn „ S e w e r y n U d z i e l a " 24. ХГГ. t 3

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16. I X .

1537,

„ L u d " X X V , p. J — 17. (2) J. Leciejewski, „ Ś p . A n t o n i K a l i n a " , „ L u d " , v o l . X I I .
(3) Józef Gajek, „ H . Bicgelciserrs ethnographical a c t i v i t y " , i n the collective p u b l i ­
cation „ H . Biegeleisen", L w ó w 1

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dical a method and a strictness proper to philology. He set up
the Society w i t h iron energy and cared for its organization so
well that during his presidency the Society reckoned 825 members. By hie enthusiasm he afforded to stimulate the zeal of
his friends, to arise the interest of the public, to secure the
collaboration of scientists of different specialities. He sent
about questionnaires in Polish and Ruthenian and lifted the
periodical „Lud" to a level corresponding to his eminent men­
tality. With A. Raima's illness began the first difficulties of
the Society.
The next president, Józef Kallenbach, professor of literature at the Lwów University, had not ail the qualities of his
great predecessor. As editor of the „Lud" he filled it with too
much literary stuff, so his five years long presidency wasn't
very fortunate for the Societv.

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The same can be said of Adam Kryński, the third pre¬
sident, professor of Slav languages who wasn't able, either. I
to suggest new ideas to the Society, still young at that time. !
This gap, however, was filled by somebody else, since it was '!
just the moment when the then very young Adam Fischer \
began his activity for the Society's sake' Although during the 1
33 years of his membership he always was the Society's sccre1
tary never its. president, the Society owes him in the first
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place its greatest later achievements" Since Adarr. Fischer was
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elected the Society's secretary the president's functions becaJ
me a mere honour as in fact the leadership was in the hands of .1
the new secretary. He brought order into the Society's Щ
finances, he succeeded in publishing the „Lud" regularly; Jj
this helped to exchange it w i t h advantage. Being for Jj
long
the periodical's editor he raised it to a high scien- щ
tj.fic level and gathered a library. I t so happened that the ele- - И
с lion of э. new president became for the Society a matter of Ш
less importance. Nothing special can be said, either, about the -JB
new president, Wilhelm Bruchnalski, besides the fact that he let Jfl
the periodical be filled w i t h literary

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ever, the years of the first world war, but the energetic se­
cretary, despite various difficulties, succeeded in publishing
the X X t h vol. of the „Lud" i n the besieged and bombed city
of Lwów. After this began the 19 years long presidency of
Jan CzekanowsH, professor of anthropology. He supported
Adam Fischer's activity, guided him in his endeavour to ob­
tain the right of lecturing and by so doing he helped the man
of so much merit in the field of ethnography t j become
professor of ethnography and ethnology at the University of
Lwów. In this peiiod Adam Fischer -set up vast scientific inter­
national relations, supplied the library with a gieat many of
books, gave the „Lud" a distinctly shaped physiognomy the
essays and treatises holding on strictly to ethnographical and
ethnological subjects; inasmuch method is concerned the h i ­
storical and migrational was applied,
The Society's prosperous development was hampered by
world war I I . I n the storm it brought abcut many of its emi­
nent members were missed or lost their lives, among them the
so very distinguished professor Adam Fischer who was, how­
ever, able to save the Society's whTe archives and the bigger
part of its library.
As soon as the conditions became favourable foi starting
anew the Society's activity, its former president, prof. Jan
Czekancwski, got in touch with the living members of the
•Society and summoned them for the 21st general meeting
on Nov, 22, 1945, this time to the Lublin Catholic University.
The change of the Society's seat was v:ted. The members of
the new board are: president, Kazimierz Moszyński, professor
of ethnography and ethnology at the Jagiellon University
(Kraków), the m e t eminent of the living P.tlkh ethnologists
vicepresidents.. Prof. Jan Czekanowski and Prof. Leon Halban;
secretary, Prof. Józef Gajek.
After-a six years break the pre-war activity was renew­
ed and the Ethnographical Societv entered a new 50 vears
period.

432

. 2orian Dołęga Chodakowski.
Dec. 24. 1774 — Nov, 17. 1825
by Prof. Dr. Adam Fischer
The second part of the X V I I I t h century brings about the
downfall of ideals proper to early modern times. Ста this back­
ground there appears with much distinctness and beauty the f i ­
gure of Adam Czarnocki, known by the pseudonym of Zorian
Dołęga Chodakowski ,the forerunner of studies i n the prehistory
of Slav peoples.
His youth, „proud and gloomy", marked by the spell of Napleon's matme, was full of adventures. He spent i t on roamings
through the immense spaces of tsarist Russia and through his
own country and brought thus to maturity his interest for ethno­
logy. Herder, mf-y be, has had his part here and also Rousseau
who imagined pi;, history to have been a period of the most per.
feet liberty and equality. These were, besides, the times of ro­
manticism reaching for new spheres of feelings, the sphere,
mainly, cf what the people's experiences are. Such factors for­
med the tastes of the prisoner, the soldier, the exile. The need
for reaching , synthesis and for setting limits to problems by way
of comparisons placed on a largo scale commanded a vast study
considering the whole of the Slav area and dealing with pro­
blems as far as is concerned their extent in time and space. Thus
had ',0 be discovered whatever had been preserved from the
ancient Slav wot Id as well as the currents bv which its life was
moved. These interests owe their rise to chains of slaverv and to
the necessity these chains commanded to take refuge in merry
and surmy times.
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Even his first written work, without being based on large
scale studies and researches, stresses the idea of Slav unity in
prehistorical times. The conviction of this unity tunas into evi­
dence after the author had covered five (Russian) governement
districts from the Livish and Filrmish coasts as far as Twer and

433
Moscow. It's here the fstowing adea gets hold of him: „one has
to go and to enter humbly the peasant's thatched house i n vari­
ous distant countrysides, .cne has to share his feasts, his ga­
mes, his various adventures. There, in the smoke overclouding
the heads, ancient rites may still take shape, old airs may be
sung and among native dances names of ancient gods may be
overheard." He sets himself about the research of these for­
gotten gods with obstinacy and passion, he takes delight m po­
pular songs; his collection, reckoning exactly 1017 items, is i n
those" times one of the largest and one, we must remember, the
Russian science took advantage cf as well as, though indirectly,
writers of the size of Pousbkin and Gogol.
The dynamics of his undertakings may be shown most di­
stinctly by the plan he set at work on March 18, 1820 to gather
materials by visiting Slav countries. The journey was planned to
begin from the Neva, upwards to the Old Ladoga Lake and
should continue through Great Novgorod, the Wołga, the Divna,
the Dnieper, the Moskva, the Protva sources and then southwards
to the farthest Taurique castle. I t should guide him further
through the Azov coastal country to the D o n estuary, back
northwards to the WhAe Lake and the N u n n t m Dvina, then
through the Wolga aid Kostroma to Tambow and eastwards as
far as the Silver Bulgarians and the Oural Mountains. The next
stage iwias to cover the area between the Lithuanian bonder region
and Rajgród in the Kingdom of Poland, Stare Dorchy in the
Bobruisk district, the estuaries of the Dniepr, the Dniestr, t h
Pruth and of the Danube, the latter inhabited by the Black
Bulgarians. I n the area thus traced he was i.o gather as well
ethnographical materials as typonomastical and archeologioal.
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•He was able to visit only five government districts. Like
his fellows, pioneers of a new scientific path, he gathered his
materials with very much intuition and has founded, in fact, the
science of Slav antiquities. Those most distinguished In this
field, Lubor Niederle for instance, work i n the limits of his
conceptions. We must emphasize here the fact that Chodakowski'e

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method in working .out typancmiasttcal materials, being quite mo­
dern, is applied with much, -zeal t i l l our days and is apt, even
now, to bear many a bold hypothesis; those may be subject, alas,
to mamy doubts and easy mistakes. Still mare interesting is his
originality in putting forward the supposition that culture, spi­
ritual and social, preserves most durably traditions of bygone'
and .ancient times. It's jusst on that way that modem ethnology
tries to solve its most fundamental problems.
His publications weren't many, i n all about seven, essays
and treatises. Papers left as manuscripts are, in return, too volu­
minous to have been possibly worked out by a single man. Just
out of this arose his tragedy, the tragedy of a pioneer building
new roads for future scientific generations and falling on that
very road exhausted by a superhuman strain.

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The moral judgment about Chodakowski must also be fa­
vourable. As Poland in -those days lacked an institution able to
support his huge plans, he was dependent, as for his financial
means, on the scientific centre of St. Petersburg; he wrote, ho­
wever, to his country т е л : „as I'm always longing for you, I ne­
ver ought b have left you, but my honour requires that .sacrifice
that, I'd say, is boundless. To have parted with you gave me, for
many a time, much sorrow and I felt the full pleasure of what
it means to be in the bosom of one's -own people".

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Carved all of a piece he didn't know compromises nor d i d
he indulge in any deviations from the end proposed. To this he
terabd ^ i t h zeal, dreading no sacrifices of his own self от of
his people. There were mistakes in his works, there was a onesided sysfematizatioo. Nevertheless, even his first treatise, called
a poem for the young genera-ion, exercised a gieat influence on
his con temporaries. Although the Vi Ina University reproached
him the lack of a solid scientific preparation, his works had
a more lasting value than many others whose authors possessed
that preparation. Science, indeed, like the artistic genius, has an
urgent need of new ideas, of a substance always new and living.
Those alone may produce a rich seed and a manifold harvest.

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Methods for the study in origins of cultural creations
in ethnology
by Prof. Dr. Stanisław Poniatowski
Among the papers which the late Prof. Stanisław Poniatow­
ski proposed to complete and to publish, we find a detailed sche­
me for a large scale work entitled „Mahavrata". This s the
name of a great Hindu feast and the explanation of its ori­
gins is the author's starting point for the study cf many
"other cultural creations. He begins, therefore, his Mahavrata by
a methodological chapter pointing to the importance due to
the question of origins of different cultural creations for ether
ethnological problems; he shows then how this particular
question is to be solved.
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Chapter I I :
Chapter I I I :
Chapter I V ;
Chapter V :

Chapter V I :

Chapter V I I :
Chapter V I I I :
Chapter I X :

Main types of building and the pala
building.
Mam types of burying and the burying
on pales.
Technics of capital punishment as deri­
ved from burial ceremonies.
Buildings derived from burial ceremo­
nies and from clubs: 1. the altar, 2. the
chapel, 3. the worship gate, 4. the tem­
ple, 5. the tavern.
Worship places connected w i t h burials:
1. tomb and cemetery, 2. little squares,
3. crossroads and boundaries, 4. sacred
woods and trees, 5. hills, 6. the bridge,
the road beyond.
Mahavrata.
Vratya (burial masters and their diffe­
rencial).
Petty things derived from burials, burial
masters and dead people: 1. bille bille,
the drum, the bell, 2. the worship boat,

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3. the worship car (hearse), 4. the puppet,
5. tomb monuments,
6. the dpvecot,
7. painted eggs, 8. stilts.
Chapter X :

Gods derived from burials, burial mas­
ters and dead people.

Chapter X I :

Points i n annual
burials.

Chapter X I I :

Points in the worship and magic of the
sun and moon as derived from ' burials.
Names derived from
burials, burial
masters and dead people: 1. materials,
2. links, 3. linguistic layers and cultural
layers.

Chapter X I I I :

Chapter XIV:

rites as derived

from

Conclusions: 1. Critique in fundamental
cultures, 2. Prospects of a new concep­
tion of cultural development.

PART I: METHODS F O B THE STUDY IN ORIGINS OF CUL­
TURAL CREATIONS IN ETHNOLOGY.
Introduction. The question as to how different cultural
creations arose and developed was, till the beginnings of our
century, the main point of interest. Lacking proper and uni­
versally applied methods modern ethnologists, however, took
a different attitude on their behalf. Extreme stands were ta­
ken by functionalists and, on the other side, by followers of
historism.
Functionalists take interest in different cultural creations
only as in components of major cultural complexes; they don't
see any necessity to study the origins and the development
of a single cultural creation by investigating the various forms
it had in different cultures.
Representatives of the historical school looked on this
problem in a different way. They understood the necessity to
work out methods proper for solving the question of origins
and development of single cultural creations. They started' with

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the test of form due to Ratael. First off all, however, they were
busy to work out, by means of methodology, the problem of
d e v e l o p m e n t leaving in the background that of origins.
The latter is treated in quite an incidental and unsatisfactory
way by three handbooks of ethnological methodology, those
of Graebner's, van Bulck's and W. Schmidt's. There's no mat­
ter for surprise, as ethnology in this period just laid its me­
thodological foundations.
Author wants first to help a rational amplification of
ethnological methods,so as to make them serve all principal
parts of ethnology and not only a few of them, those especially
which are an object of interest for one school or another. Then
he tends to emphasize the importance due to the problem uf
origins of different cultural creations. That's why he deals at
first w i t h the division of ethnology's sphere and w i t h the
mutual relations existing between its chief parts. By so doing
he makes easier the discernment of gaps which the ethno­
logical method showed t i l l now.
D i v i s i o n o f e t h n o l o g i c a l facts.
The partition, generally accepted by the end of the X I X
century, in ethnology w i t h material, spiritual and social cul­
ture on the one hand and in ethnography on the other proved
to be too narrow for historians and functionalists as well.
A l l the facts studied by humanistic sciences in their lar­
gest conception which comprehends also social sciences, can
be divided into:
statical facts:
objects,
their relations to their milieus;
dynamical facts: changes i n objects,
changes i n the relations of objects to
their milieus.
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This distinction between objects and processes is not al¬
ways correct i n humanistic sciences; many sociologists, for
instance, and ethnological functionalists as well deal w i t h
relations between objects, e. g. social groups, as i f they were
bare dynamical facts; this method, however, is not the best

438
to explain those relations exactly. Not before we have con.
ceived statically a complex of objects and relations, 'can we
understand the dynamical processes arising between them. •
Objects. Objects of humanistic sciences are either human
societies as composed by groups and individuals or cultures
particular to such societies and composed by cultural creations
linked together into most various complexes. Hence the d i ­
vision into:
cultural objects:
creations,
complexes of creations,
cultures, i . e. creations linked together into larger
units like cultures of tribes, peoples, territories;
social objects:
individuals,
groups,
societies, i . e. social groups linked together into
larger units like tribes, peoples, nations.
The link between objects cultural and social is as tight
as between statics and dynamics. Cultural objects owe their
being to social objects only and can be understood only on
their ground; social objects, inversely, can't exist without
cultural cnes.
Structure, function, ideology. Objects of physical scien­
ces have only structures, those of biological sciences also
factions connected w i t h the structure; objects of humanistic
sciences, and. only theirs, have, moreover, ideologies, that is
explanations and valuations of structures and functions. Thus
the objects of humanistic sciences have the following pro­
prieties:
a structure composed by elements forming a system;
a function having a definite efficiency and finality;
an ideology involving an explanation and valuation.
Functionalists aibout function and ideology. The great
merit of functionalists consists i n the stress they laid on the

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importance due to functions and i n the thorough study of the
latter on the spot. Their ideas, however, aren't clear; they
extend the meaning of the term J unction" understanding
by i t not only an act accomplished by the object but also
its relation to the milieu and sometimes even its ideology.
Graebner and W. Schmidt about function and idewlogy.
The methodologists in the historical school didn't feel any
need to define function strictly, nor did they write anything
.about ideology understood as a category equivalent to struc­
ture and function. Only the „direktc Interpretation" corres­
ponds in part to what author calls the object's ideology and
What he says to be the explanation and valuation of structure
and function not on the inquirer's part, however, but on that
of people who bear the object or of the same object's social
milieu.
The fact of not considering or not separating sufficiently
structures, functions and ideologies is accountable for the
neglecting of important differences between the main cate­
gories of objects.
Cultural creations. Despite the many works concerning
the most varied cultural creations ethnologists didn't fix t i l l
now a general naming for them. Among many possible divi­
sions one of the most, widely spread is that which taking into
account the main components of structures discerns: material,
spiritual, organic and lingual creations. Inasmuch methodo­
logy is concerned, this division may be useful for researches
which—owing to an insufficient knowledge of functions and ide­
ologies particular to ancient creations — have i о use mainly
structures. The classification of cultural creations after func­
tions and ideologies wasn't applied till now in ethnology, nor
do I think such classifications to have major importance for
the study of crea-tiois. For we must bear i n mind that a crea­
tion's ideology and in part also its function is to be found
outside the creation itself. Classification is served the best by
structures as being less changeable and besides more open to
strict research.

44TJ

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Modifications, types, kinds. Like creations themselves
different forms of one and the same creation are still lacking
a terminology accepted universally. To prevent confusions
author calls
modifications: all the forms taken not only by a creation
whatsoever but, generally speaking, by every ethno­
logical object, inasmuch these forms differ from each
other
by structure: structural modifications,
by function: functional modifications,
by ideology: ideological modifications;
types: main groups of modifications undergone
object and possibly distinguished
by structure: structural types,
by function: functional types,
by ideology: ideological types;

by

an

kinds; groupings of modifications w i t h i n the types and
distinguished possibly
by structure: structural kinds,
by function: functional kinds,
•by ideology: ideological kinds.
Cultural units. Every single cultural creation appears in
practice always jointly with certain other creations which
make possible or at least more easy either its structure or its
ideology. Creations playing such an important role w i t h refe­
rence to the creation studied are called by author complexes
presupposed to that particular creation; he discerns therefore:
the creating complex,
the collaborating complex,
the supporting complex.
Ь all the above complexes we find
a complex centre,
a complex structure,
a complex function,
a complex ideology.

441
Culture. As one and the same cultural creation is the cen­
tre of at least three complexes presupposed, to it, it can, for its
own part, be the component of an indefinite number Of com­
plexes presupposed to other creations. A creation, therefore,
presupposes other creations and, on the other hand, i t is by
itself presupposed to others; this fact explains the twofold re­
lation of one creation to others, i . e. its dependence on
and its role for other creations. These dependences and roles
link together all cultural creations owned by a society into
a unit which belongs to a higher rank than the complexes and
is called culture.
Author doesn't oppose culture to civilisation as did for­
mer French writers. While cultural complexes satisfy only
a certain group of human needs, culture, for its part, satisfies
the whole of them. The structure proper to the culture of
a human group can be delt w i t h only if placed in a strictly
limited lapse of time. I f such structures are taken from dif­
ferent time periods, one may treat them like kinds and fix
different structural types of cultures by comparing to each
other structural kinds of different cultures. With the present
state of ethnology this task is a very remote one.
The question as to how cultures ought U be divided is
worked out as poorly as their typology. The historical school
made a great progress in establishing the derived character
of manv culture, and in discovering, by way of analysis fun­
damental cultures. As much
ethnologic.V, methods develop.,
there must come a correction in opinions concerning funda­
mental cultures, their number, their mutual relations. For
the time being the most important thing is not the critique of
fundamental cultures, a task not hard at all. but the analysis
of methodological bases on which the reconstruction of these
cultures has to rest. Bornemann's very valuable work may
serve here as example.
Social individuals. It's not long since the study of single
individuals was made an object of ethnology. The ethnologist,
of course, can't take interest in every single individual of the

people studied, but to know the biographies of leading as well
as >ci average representatives of such a people helps a deeper
understanding of itself .and of its culture.
The study of social individuals, as well as that of otherobjects, has to begin by learning their structure, function and
ideology. A n individual's structure consists i n his knowledge
of cultural and social objects and the skill of using them. His
function is expressed by. his' cultural and .social activity. As
for ideology one has to consider the individual's ideology
concerning himself as well as that his social milieu bears on
his account.
Social groups. Just as every cultural creation belongs to
different cultural complexes, every social individual belongs
to different social groups. These groups are presupposed
either to him or to oher social individuals. There is an analogy
between the division of complexes presupposed to cultural
creations and the division of social groups presupposed to social individuals; thus we discern:
creating or forming groups, collaborating and supporting
groups.
The society. A l l the social groups living together form an
object of higher rank i . e. the society. The societies ethnology
is interested in are tribes and peoples. Nations or civilised
peoples fall within the scope of ethnology only as far as their
popular character is concerned, not the national.
Lublin, Bobolanum.
Fr. Edward Bulanda S. J .

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De importance des recherches ethno-sociologiques
de la rćtigiositć
du Prof. Dr. Leon Halban
Dans cot travail i l s'agit de:
1. constater la necessite des recherches de la •rćligiosite,
s'il s'agit du temps passe, ainsi qu' au temps actuel.

443
Cette necessite outre sa grandę importance pour elargir
et approfondiT notre connaissance, comme l'avait deja demontre clairement aux temps derniers — prof. Le Bras, possede aussi un cóte purement pratique et actuel.
2. Sans rorientation — meme partiel dans 1'etat reel de
la religiosity el son influence aux domaines particulieres
de la vie, dans les differentes groupes soeiales, - i i est difficile
de trouver une reponse a une serie des questions importantes.
11 est presque impossible deja de trouver une reponse po­
sitive a cette question considerable, si la religiosite dans la
societe grandi, reste immuable ou diminue. Sans 1'accomplissement des recherches necessaires i l est impossible de dormer
une reponse d'une valeur scientiifique sur l'influence reel de
la religion dans la vie individuel et social.
lei se pose aussi la question si l'influence de la religion,
admetlani la religiosite identique, sur les differentes domaines
de la vie, reste immuable, ou si cette influence selon les dif­
ferentes conditions, se fortifie ou s'affaiblie.
A un mót i l a'agit de constater, est- ce que la fonction
social et individuel de la religion reste la meme ou est- ce
qu'elle subit des changements et pour quelles raisons?
3. La limitation des recherches sur les religions diffe­
rentes, meme a un fondament bien large, mais exclusivement
au point de vue des religions officieles, et de la l i t e r a t u r e
theologique, est insuffisante.
Ceci ont demontres d'ailleurs et des historiens eminents
entre autres p. ex. un si profond connaisseur de la Revolution
francaise, comme feu Aullard.
Des travaux pareilles -quoique leurs valeur est naturelement tres importante et indispensable- ne sont pas euffisantes.
lis ne demontrent pas, comment se presentent, les
croyances religieuses dans les particulieres groupes sociales
et quelle est leurs influence reel sur la vie individuele et
commune.
4. Outre cela montrant la religion seulemet en son aspect

444
officiel on ne prete pas I'attention aux elements des croyances inofficieles. Ces elements designee ordinairement comme
superstitions sont de tres differente nature et orilgine et jouent
dans la vie un role important quoique non identique.
Ce problems „de superstition" reste en relation etroite
avec la question des influences sur les differentes parties des
la vie social.
Une appreciation juste du role de l'element religieux est
impossible si on limite les recherches a l'enseigment offidele
des diverses croyances sans avoir egard a cette religiosite
accesoire.

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La conduite des croyants dans leurs vie individuel et
social reste souvent sous une influence serieuse de cette re­
ligiosite inofficiele. Nous connaisons aussi bien dans le passe
comme dans le present des cas ou on peut parler de sa preponderance.

)

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5. I I est bien difficile dans nótre саз d'arriver a une documentation necessaire, meme s'il s'agit du present de la religiosite.
Ceux difficultes grandissent quand i l sagit de l'histoire.
La statistique de la religion mitiee reclement au X V I I I
siecle, malgre son grand progres, ne peut pas nous aider dans
les solutions des toutes les questions.
I I faut recou'rir aux sources bien divers.
Elles existent pour le passe dans les documents et le i n formations bien differentes et dans une quantite vraiment
imposante.
II s'agit seulement de les rassembler et d'utiliser.
Outre cela 1'ethnographie actuel et ses riches materiaux
nous rend des services vraiment considerables etc.
Ainsi done s'il s'agit du passe et du present, des recherches
de la religiosite ont un champs de travail vraiment riche et
interessant, au point de vue pratique et theoritique.

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Si jusqu'au present on na pas fait assez dans cette domaine, la faute retombe en grandę partie sur le fait que longtemps nous manquions de donnes suffisantes.

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445
Les informations que nous possedons aujourd' hui, dans
une si grande quantite et quality nous ont ouvert les yeux
sur beaucoup des problemes meconnues auparavant et ont
attires nótre attention sur beaucoup des questions autrefois
non soupssonnes.

Les sources de la genese du l'art populaire
du Prof. Dr. Bożena Stelmachowska
La clasification et 1'appreciation du Tart populaire, ainsi
que la definition du style populaire est en Pologne. la domains
des ethnographes et des historiens de l'art.
Parmi les historiens de l'art contemporains, les plus scrupuleux sont: Xawer Piwocki et Thaclee Dobrowolski.
Tous les deux personnifient le point de vue subjectif,
mais la difference est celle, que Dobrowolski prend la methode des thestes immediats tandis que Piwocki travaille avec la
methode experimentale.
I I faut aussi nwrnner Chwistek et sa methode du prirnitiivisme.
Parmi les ethnographes, Mieczysław Gładysz prend comme point du depart — la psychologie e f ayant pour base de
l'analise, l'artiste populaire — fait des tableux statistiques
de valeur.
Dune manierę tres etendu et avec une grande penetrabilite prend la question Thadee Seweryn qui a egard aux mo¬
ments e.sthetiques, psychologiques et sociales.
Jean Stanislas Bystroń souligne la valeur emotionnele de
Tart populaire et montre la quality du primitivbme de cette
art.
Resument les travaux theoretiques actuels-des nos ethno­
graphes, aussi que des historiens de l'art, on voit evidemment,
que le problem* de l'art populaire, occupe vivement la science
polonaise, qui penetre tous ses domaines: la sculpture, la peinture et la graphique.

446
La psychologie de I'artiste populaire est etudiee metho^
diquemeni.
Voulant etablir la theorie complete de l'art populaire,
nous prenons aussi l'architecture populaire, 1'onxeroentation
et l'ustensile ceremonial. Quand au systheme methodique, la
psychologie n'est pas notre unique objet de consideration.
Pour theoriser le probleme de l'art populaire, nous avons
egard a la diversite de cette art, lasquelle vient des materiels
divers, ainsi que de 1'evolution au point de vue du temps et.
de teritoire.
La ceremique et l'architecture ont en Pologne, un passe
d'une anciennete immemoriale.
La sculpture, la peinture et la graphique, montrent des
reminiscences des styles historiques.
Le probleme de l'art populaire exige des recherches
serieuses- historiques et genetiques et a cóte des solutions
esthetiques, aussi la consideration du cóte sooiale.
L'art populaire est un produit coUectif, quoique I'artiste
populaire, introduit dans ses oeuvres ses propres conceptions
creatrices. L'art populaire tend vers 1'equilibre et l'apaisement,
s'opposant a 1'iquietance inconstance de la nature.
Les marques caracteristiques du style populaire sont:
l'effort vers le typique, l traditionnalisme d'omement, une
riche decoration, le fragmerataósme, la symetrie, la rytaiisation et l'utilite magique. Le moment esthetique introduit la
distinction entre 1'artisan et l'artiste- car dans l'art populaire,
ainsi que dans l'art cfficiele i l v a des hommes inhabiles a cóte
des bien-doues.
L'analise de la methode du travail des observateurs de
l'art populaire montre que pour appreci&r l'oeuvre artistique
du peuple, i l faut prendre des regies des recherches scientifiques et les regies des recherches ethnografiques, sociales et
psychologiques.
Ces appreciations peuvent souvent influence* le jugement
artistique. Quand au domaine de genese, les historiens de
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447
Les ethnographies qui entreprennent l'analise du probleme
de l'art populaire et du style populaire, doivent avoir non
seulement des etudes apprcfondies de l'histoire de l'art, mais
aussi des aptitudes personnels, necessaires pour donner un j u gement d'autorite, dans les matiers de l'art en general.

. The animals — man's teachers
by Prof. Dr. Tadeusz Seweryn
To use materials supplied by nature is a proceeding not
new in ethnology. I t was limited, however, to the study of man
himself, taken as a biological unit, or to the results given by
crossing influences of the natural milieu.
The present treatise is an attempt for extending the scope
of that proceeding on the animal world, for stating the exis­
tence of l i n b between the acts of „the creatures' king"
and those- of „his servants", an attempt, therefore, to
throw some light on the sources of several cultural pheno­
mena.
The object studied here is hunting, an activity supplying
an a large scale the need to keep the kind, alive, tending, to
acquire food, clothes, lodging, to secure defence and the like.
The problem delt with has arisen from an observation and
a reasoning as follows: if M many ways proper to man, e. g
in tracking, approaching, chasing, trapping, in tactics of figh­
ting game and of defence against it, we recognize the ways
of foxes, wolves, lynxes, hawks, falcons and the like, we may
reconstruct man's primitive cultural work and conclude that
animals have helped man in creating the hunting culture. Hun­
ting being a part of man's technical culture, that part is not,
therefore, a system of activities borne by his intelligence only,
invented by him alone.
If we t r y to find the origins of different ways of satisfying
man's physical needs, we come, by observing animals, on phe-

448

nomena we may consider as patterns of the first moves of
man's analogous activities, the former being, no doubt, chro­
nologically earlier than the latter. On this basis we form a new
test for researches, the test of ancientness. Once we have fixed
the pattern of human activities, we may, through that test,
separate from the whole of material culture a system of forms
bearing an animal character. Owing to materials supplied by
nature and ethnology we are bound to see in some ways pro­
per to animal, instincts patterns ready for imitation and i m i ­
tated by man. The bent to imitate (the reproducing instinct
according to Colwin and Bagley) is highly developed w i t h
men living in a close contact w i t h nature. I t lets them take
hold of these patterns at first by impulse, later on only by
intention. I n this way arose the skill In hunting and the fi'ro-r
phenomena of culture. As man alone took advantage of these
links, they w e r onesided and didn't allow of a symmetrical
functionality.
e

Author doesn't endeavour to fix a development by grades,
that is to prove that man's most ancient hunting forms con­
sisted merely in a system of animal elements and that the sy­
stem of forms invented exclusively by himself was subsequent
to the former. For hunting is the crossing point of trends ta­
ken over and such as were borne to life by man's creative
mind. Searching into the origins of hunting author reaches
for the manifestations of instincts, for activities, therefore,
emerging from bounds of consciousness, of historical time and
of space.
I n Chapter I I „Skill primitive and acquired" are treated
the elements composing man's and the animal's hunting skill,
the harmony existing between instinctive and intelligent acti­
vities, Wundt's hypothesis explaining the instinct by prememo-ry, Watson's and Pawlow's theories (impulse chains), the
sphere of the animal's aptitude taken as its specific proprie­
ties, the individual aptitudes of animals, the apparatus of
senses ,as a factor controlling instincts. I n Chapter' I I I „Sbruggle between man's sight and the animal's scent" are discussed

449
-the proportions of human and animal senses, the power of
the animal's scent and the disadvantage of man, the appara­
tus of the human eye, the tracing of game by sight, samples
of the lynx' and the hawk's ways of tracing, the construction
on trees of gangways serving the hunter's purpose to avoid the
reach of amimal scent, the help, at last, drawn by man from
dogs. Those compensated his deficiencies, worked along with h i m
serving him by their scent.
I n Chapter I V „Animal forms of hunting culture" are
compared matters supplied by nature with the ethnological ones.
Thus is shewn the similarity of animal and many human hun­
ting methods. The follwing animal forms of hunting culture
are treated separately: 1. the watching and the approaching,
2. the hunting with degs, 3. the trap and the chasing by bea­
ters, 4. the chasing into a precipice, unto ice, snow or marshes,
?. the sapping, 6. the eneirling, 7. the hunting by lure, 3. the sca­
ring away from hiding places, 9. the paralysing through
fright, ю ! the fighting tactics, 11. the use of mechanical wea­
pons, 12. the carrying off of booty.
I n Chapter V „A system of defence means" following
items are treated: The flight and the hiding. The simulation
of being dead or wounded. Plight stratagems. The part played by
the instinct-of protecting the offspring. Guards in the animal
world. Defensive attitudes of wolves and men. The shielding
Defence tactics of steppe bulls. The defence ring of boars.
Defence stratagems cf herons, pricks and needles used by
hunters against hawks.
The material above can't be subordinated t any of the
characteristical marks that P. W. Schmidt took such pains
to work out for different cultural spheres. I t can't be delt
with, either, by mcai.-s of the historical apparatus belie­
ved in by F. Raizel as to its universal possibilities and help­
ful only i n detecting migrations, removals and cultural i n ­
fluences. One may see in its light how frail is the basis of
A. Bastian's ideas about peoples living in determined geo­
graphical provinces and of his belief m the importance of i n 0

450
ventive talents proper to certain individuals an tribes. This mate­
rial has nothing i n common w i t h realism availing itself of
historism and registering facts i n a chronological order. I t has,
nevertheless, objective values important for ethnology if their
character allows of explaining the most ancient substances of
culture.
The results obtained by means of the test applied by
author have, indeed, certain deficiencies as far as is concerned
the biological way of seeing things (they give only matters
general, typical, equivalent, specific, they view life as a u n i i
and as subject to one general law) — they let us, nevertheless,
understand the object studied, they have their specific weight
and w i t h i n the very narrow scope of our knowledge of primi­
tive man they take the character of documents.
The representative of the historical school, F. Grabner,
disregarded attempts of interpreting ancient matters, even
if the regularity of the facts interpreted was as obvious as
a pattern. Science, however, couldn't exist without a certain
amount of speculation about probability. I f we make use of
speculation i n constructing supposed patterns of human acti­
vities, we may obtain a system of facts characterized by even
historical probability.

The Kraków — Góral*) - Porder Region
in the light of former and most recent ethnographical
studies
by Koman Keinfuss
Ы the introduction author discusses the benders of the
Góral area as determined by W. Pol, S. Udziola, Fr. Bujak and
M . Cholewa; a map is joined hereto (fig. 1). Differences exi­
sting between those authors make necessary a closer study of
*) G ó r a ! ( p i . G ó r a l e of the Polish people which
Mountains.

mountain f o l k ) is the name given to that portion
lives o n the northern slopes o f the Carpathian

г
451
the northern reach of the Górals. Materials are supplied by the
most recent researches conducted on the spot i n 1946 by the
Ethnographical Museum of Kraków. Passing over to theoretical
questions author endeavours to define the notion of an ethno­
graphical group. An ethnographical group, he says, is a body
of people living on a determined geographical territory, differ­
i n g from their neighbours by certain cultural proprieties, con­
scious of these proprieties and, therefore, of their —the peop1 ' _ belonging to that group. Following this definition author
treats i n the first Chapter the differences i n the dressing of
Górals and the foothills population. He determines their, the
borders of the Góral dress reach. I n the second Chapter aire
treated differences in the popular building of the two neigh­
bour groups, i n the third the question of group consciousness
and of the relations between groups along the border. In accord
w i t h the material above author makes the statement that the
border region population have a group consciousness, they know
their own name and that of their neighbours. In the relations
between Górals and their neighbours an antagonism has been
preserved t i l l now that formerly was much sharper. The more
disappears popular culture, the more dwindles away the group
oonsc io us ness.
C S

In the conclusion author points to the conformity existing
between the reach of popular dressing and building and the
group borders as indicated by the people themselves. On this
basis is fixed the northern reach of the Góral area (fig. 7, II).
To the north cf this border lies am intermediate zone (fig. 7. I l l )
which was formerly a purely Góral area. Owing to the Górals
receding it was pervaded, however, w i t h influences coming
from their i-.eighbours.
The existence of evident cultural p e c u l a t e s is followed,
as a rule, by the rising of a group consciousness. Having put
this principle author proposes that on areas being under a strong
influence of town culture the border of ethnographical groups
be fixed following either cultural differences or the reach of
the group name itself.

452

Les costumes nationals de la contrie de Sącz (Soncz)
era Mieczysław Czcibor Cholewa
Le terrain de la contree de Sącz est habits par deux groupes ethnique polonais: ,,góralska" (les Gar ales) et „lacka" (les
Lachis).
Du cote oriental ceux deux groupes avoisinent avec le
groupe ethnique ruthin „Lemki".
L'analise du costume des Gorałeś et des Lachis, conduit
au detachement des plus petits rassemblements, parmi lesqucls on peut distinguer d'assez grandes differences: particulierement, on detache jusqu'a six rassemblements suivants:
1. Łącko-kamienickie (de Łąck et Kamienica).
2. Obidzko-jazowskie (de Obida e'. Jazowsk).
3. Rytersko-piwniczańskie (de Rytro et Piwniczna).
4. Przysietnicko-barcickie (de Przysietnica et Barcice).
5. Nawojowskie.
6. Ptaszkowskie.
Ces six aassembłements aux limit es particulieres, que
m a n t r ę la carte jointe, component rensemble d'un plus grand
groupe ethnique, celui des Gorałeś de la contree de Sącz et du
burd du Poprad.
Quand au terrain des Lachis de la contree de Sącz, on
peut detacher deux rassemblements particuliers: ceux de
Podegrodzie, Łukowica et Pisarzowo.
Les relations entre les Gorałeś et les Lachis-comme on peut
observer souvent et sur d'autres exemples-sont pleines d'aver.
sion et d'anta*onisme reciprcque.
Les Gorałoś repiochent aux Lachis le manque du caractere et de probite, et les Lachis reprochent aux Gorałeś leurs
pauvrete et 1'mferioritć au point de vue de la culture.
La difference fondamental qui s'impese en observant les
costumes des Gorałeś et des Lachis est celle, que les premiers
portent des pantalons chiffres, des eouveirture grossieres („gu­
nia"), et les chaussures de cuir (kierpce). Quand aux Lachis,
ils portent des pantalons et des couvertures grossieres (tout en

453
laine), seulement en hiver et au lieu de „kierpce", ils emploient des bottes plus solides: „karbiaki".
Tres typique pour leurs costumes sont les casaquins et les
pantalons bleu- fonces, d i t „błękicia". lis portent aussi des
„górnice" en toile.
Les differences nommees panmi les rassemblements particuliers, ne sont pas seulement celles des costumes, mais se
caracterisent aussi d'une multitude des details d'ornementation.
Tous ceux costumes d'ailleurs ne sont pas constents, ils
changent au cours de temps.
Ces changements s'accelerent particulievement depuis
1860. I I s'agit surtout d'ornementation. A peu pres depuis cs
temps se manifeste la tendance de parer le-costume-des brcderies, des ornements, et des boutons metalliques.
Ce proces des changements est accompagne par Г import
des costumes tous fais et de.s produits culturales, fabriques
dans les grandes villes.
Cost la cause que dernierement les beaux costumes typ;-,
ques des Gcrales et des Lachis devicnnent plus rares et le ter­
rain est envahit par les produits a bon marche. confectionnes
dans les villes.

Etude sur I'ancienneri de quelques- uns des produits
de la culture du pcuplc polonais
du Prof. Dr. Józef Kostrzewski
L'auteur voulait constater, jusqu'a quel temps touchent
quelques- uns dcs produits de la culture mateiiele actuel du
peuple polonais.
On pourrait alors voir clair, que p. ex. les rateaux de bois
(des. 2) les briquets doublemnt arques de fer (des. 4. nr. 1—2}
et en forme de chainon (des. 4 nr. 3—4), les petrins d'argile
pour le grillage du ble (des. 6), „les bras" pour les passes-cuillers (des. 5) des pelles de bois pour le pain, les moulins

454
a foulon a jambe (des. 8), les pilous doubles (des. 7), les battoirs en forme de pelle (des. 9), les roues radieux avec le
moyeu (des. 10), les fuseaux de bois avec la travee d'argile
(des. 13), les metiers a tisser horisontals, les pinces (des. 14),
les chaussures de cuk (des. 15), les selles de bois garnies de
cuir (des. 17), et les traineaux, on peut trouver en Pologne
encore vers le commencement de 1'histoire.
Les autres produits ont une genealogie encore plus ancienne: p. ex. les socs de fer (des. 1), les faucilles avec les
aiguillons pour le manche, les clefs crochus (des. 3), les b r i quets en barres (des. 4 nr. 5—6), et les seaux avec les douves
(des. 12), etaient connus en Pologne depuis le I I — I I I s. apres
J. Christ, quand aux moulins a bras et les ciseaux avec le
saisissement circulaire (des. 16), — memo avant J. Christ (depuis le dernier siecle).
Encore plus anciens sont les commencements de l'architeciure „a angle", tres divulgee en Pologne, puis la connaissance de la martelage avec la bobeche et les filets des р е cheurs, traines avec des ailes d'ecorce, qui sont connus depuis
le commencement de l'epoque de fer. Quand au crochets
pour les hamecons avec les crocs et les emousses -on les dattent meme de l'epoque de bronze.
Les decouvertes nouvelles peuvent evidemment, faire
passer, encore plus en arriere, l'age des differentes phenomenes de nótre culture materiele, mais meme aujourd' hui, nous
savons que le gros des produits de la culture du peuple polo­
nais, c'est l'heritage du passe pre-historique, souvent bien
lointain.

Les decouvertes a Biskupin et la culture populaire
actuel des Slaves
du Stefan Nosek
Cet travail est un essai sur les recherches comparatifs des
quelques — unes des decouvertes de la premiere epoque de
fer (700—400), faites a Biskupin, ancien cites de la culture

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455
lusasienne, et les phenomenes semblables dans la culture populaire actuel des Slaves. L'accomplissement des .recherches
comparatifs completes, n'est pas possible pour Ie moment, car les
recherches a Biskupin ne sont pas finies ainsi que la culture
actuel des Slaves n'est pas encore śtudiee dans fccus ses
details.
En rapport avec la decouverta a Biskupin des restes des
fortifications defensifs construites a „angle", ainsi, que des
restes des cabanes construites avec le systeme „sumikcwo-lątkow y m " ainsi que des restes des cabanes aux facades larges, c'est
a dire avec l'entree dans le mur plus large, au double - i n terieur (le corridor et la piece), et meme souvent au triple
-interieur (Ic corridor, la piece et le bouge), - i l est evident, que
beaucoup des conseptions et des hypotheses de nos ethnographes et de nos prehisloriens, sont trop enclins, et doivent
etre reviser, a cause des decouvertes nouvelles.
Par exemple la conception ethnographique, de l'apparition tardife du technique „sumikowo-łątkowa" est fausse.
I I est difficile de soutenir l'oppmion. des prehistoriens,
s'il s'agit, de la preponderance dans Гаг chit ecture prehistorique de la technique „de pilier -et de tresse". Injuste est
aussi la supposition, que la plupart dcs cabanes prehistoriques,
avaient des abris, que les cabanes etaient aux lacades-etroiles.
enfin est faux Ie jugement qu'un typ de la maison, est lie avec
une unique culture et que ce type dominait une longue periode.
Difficile a soutenir est la typologie, introduce par les
ethnographies, qui montre que le dcveloppment de l'interieur
de la cabane, commence d'un batiment primittf, a une seule
piece et conduit aux batimcnts plus larges.
Une serie des exemples des cabanes prehistoriques (tabl. I
— V I ) , de Tepoque neolitique vers le debut du moyenage, trouvees dans les differents terrains de la Pologne, nous
montre, que de le commencement de l'epoque de pierre, nous
avens des cabanes amplement construites, cóte des cabanes
toutafait primitifes.

Ties souvent meme les cabanes au l'interieur largement
construit, sont beaucoup plus anciennes, que les cabanes p r i mitifs a une seule*piece.
I I est evident alors que la typologie actuel, peut nous
aider seulement a ordonner les materiaux, mais ne donne rien
a la chronologie des types des cabanes.
III.
A Biskupin outre les constructions de bois, defensifs et
habitables, outre les ustensiles, les instruments et les outils
de bois, se sont aussi conserves des semences du Ыё et
des plantes cultives par 1'homme, et aussi les semences et les
fruits des plantes sauvages, mais ramasser et utilise*' par
Thomme.
Parmi les especes du Ыё, les habitants de Biskupin, c u l tivaient: le millet, (Paniculum miliaceum), les froments divers
(Triticum dicoccum, Tr. spelta, Tr. Vulgare i Tr.compactum),
et 1'orge (Hordeum polystichum).
On trouve pour la premiere fois le millet simple, au nord
du Danube, au commencement de l'epoque de fer, et depuis
ce temps on le trouve en quaiites de plus en plus conside­
rables.
Lapparition du millet est probablement en rapport avec
1'augmentation des influences illyriques, que montre d'ailleurs
et d'autres trouvailles archeologiques.
Le millet simple est trouve abondamment dans les decou­
vertes aux premiers temps historiques (Gniezno, Santok,
Opole). Maintenant i l est connu dans tout le pays Slave, sauf
ses limites du nord.
Quand a une autre espece du millet, dit „ber" (setaria
italica), cultivee auparavant par les Slaves, aujourad' hui, elle
est presque inconnue.
Aux temps prehistoriques au nord du Danube, cette espece
n'etait pas connue non plus.
L'apparition devait avoir lieu dans les temps historiques
plus tardifs.

457
Quand aux froments; Тт. dicoocum et Spelta ne sont pas
connus aujourd' hui en Pologne.
On ne trouve pas non plus cettes especes dans les decouvertes aux premiers temps historiques.
Evidemment deja aux premiers temps historiques la cul­
ture des cettes especes, commencait a disparaitre.
L'espece d'orge, trouvee a Biskupin, a cause de mauvais
etat de conservation ne peut pas etre classee.
Probablement c'etait l'orge de quatre-rangs (H. vulgare),
aujourd' hui generalement cultive.
On voit alors que cette espece d'orge etait connue aux
terrains polonais deja au commencement de l'epoque de fer.
Parmi les plantes siliqueuses, les habitants de Biskupin
cultivaient la lentille (Lens culinaris), les pois (Pisum sati­
vum), et la feve (Vicia Faba), qui sont repandus et cultivaient
actuelement par tous les Slaves, sauf la lentille qui disparait.
Du meme est avec la culture des plantes oleagineuses
comme: le pavot (Papaver somniferum), et le navet oleagineux
(Brassica Rapa).
Pour la production de l'huile, on utilisait aussi: la cameline cultivee Camelina sativa), et la cournouille (cornus
sanguinea).
Parmi les plantes fibreuses on cultivait le lin ordinaire
(Linum usitatisimum).
Outre cela on cueillait et on utilisait les plantes sauvages,
comme la persicaire (poligonum), Chenopodium, et I'arroche
(atriplex).
On utilisait les pousses des ses plantes comme 1'epinard,
les feuilles comme salade, les fruits pour le produit de gruau,
ou comme le supplement au farine.
Les soupes a la farine aigres on faisait d'accanthe (Heracleum sphondilium), et d'oseille (Rumex).
Tous ces plantes sont ou etaient utilises il n'y a pas longtemps dans tous les pays Slaves.
Comme les plantes colorantes on utilisait a Biskupin com­
me d'ailleurs dans tous les pays Slaves, le caille — lait ( G a ,

438
lium), qui donnait la couleur rouge, ainsi que le lilas noir et
l'ebenier, qui dcnnaient les contours noir et bleu.
Les re.stes des plantes, trouves a Biskupin, qui donnaient
la couleur bleu, montrent que ce couleur etait connu depuis
longtemps, depuis la communantć des Staves, car meme le
nom de cette couleur est commune a tous les Slaves. On voit
alors que cette couleur n'etait pas invents derrnierment, com­
me disent quelques uns des ethnographes.
IV.
L a comparaison des ceux plusieurs phenomen.es de la cul­
ture materiel ainsi que d'autres — assembles auparavant, nous
permait de constater que la culture populaire des Slaves
d'aujourd' hui, a un fcndament bien ancien, archaique et que
cette culture est bien concervatrice.

De l'un des signes magiques finlandais
du S*ulo Haltsonen
Parmi les signes magiques utilises en Finlande, le signe poiigone, dit tursaansydan, et devenu tres rare.
Son origine derive de la svastica et il est l'un de plus in­
ter essant, parmi les signes de ce genre.
Son nom le plus populaire est-comme nous l'avons deja
dit. tursaansydan qui sigaifit „le coeur du Toursas"! Les
autres noms comme: „turskansydan", „korskansydan" et ,,tapionkanta" sont moins coimus.
E n Laponie finlandaise, on le nomme le dodecagone, car
il ressemble a une figure a douze angles.
*
On trouve aussi le nom „jertta", du mot suedois „hjarta" (le „coeur"). Cet signe est rependu en Finlande dans les
limites tres bornees. On ne le trouve pas p. ex. en Finlande
de sud.
En Finlande du nord, il est lie etroitement avec les signes
magiques qui defendent les bailments, des forces mal dispo-

459
sees envers 1'homme. K. A. Pfaler, le eollectionneur des sin.gularites ethnographiques, ecriU que „Toursa" — dans les tra­
ditions populaires- persoruiitfit un etre etrangement mysterieux,
Dans une partie du Finlande du nord, le peuple croit, que
c'est une phoque au gueule en forme de croix, qui a impregnee son image sur beaucoup des vieux objets, arfores et ba­
ilments.
Ce signe est connu aux Lapons, qui lui donnent le nom de
„tursaansydan", ou „tursaanturpa", que aignifit „la gueule du
Tourpa"! E n effet, on trouve facilement ce signe sur les ba­
ilments.
Dans la paroisse Hyrynsalmi, d'apres la relation d'ethnographe evident Samuli Paulahariu, cet signe est grave sur les
portables d'un grenier, ou on place auparavant les morts.
Sur les meme portailles est grave le pentagone, et la da­
te 1827. Ce batiment doit etre encore plus ancien.
On rencontre ce signe aux mures des moulins, des greniers
de moulin et sur des greniers en general.
Quelques -chose de cette espece est dessine au coupole de
1'eglise a Halsoua, qui datte de 1825.
Au Musee National de Helsinki on garde un morceau du
pin, qui est pouse pres de 1'eglise au Nourmes.
Sur ce morceau on trouve la date 1829, ce signe rare et la
figure du labyrinth*. Dans les notes d'un scrupuleux observateur des anciennetes, C. A. Guttlund, nous trouvons une men­
tion de 1859, d'apres lasquelle le meme signe devait etre gra­
ve sur le roc de la paroisse Spantlahti.
Outre les ustensiles domestiques ,on trouve ce signe grave
sur d'autres outils, comme: le metier a tisser, le rabot etc.
On le trouve sur la planchette a calandrer de 1695 d'AlaVeteli.
Dans ce travail on a prit egard aux quelques exemples
seulement de Finlande. L a chose est bien caracteristique,
qu* on trouve notre signe magique et en autres pays voisins,

460

*

corame P. ex. en Esthonie. D'ailleurs U est assez rare en ce
pays. On le trouve p. ex, sur le hangar pour les filets des р ё cheurs a Tostama, outre cela au Tonninvaka (coffre de Tonni),
a Vandra.
Enfin, nous avons de courtes mentions de Tostama et
Maaria - Magdaleena ou on nomme ce signe juudi -lukk, que
signifit — la serrure juife.
On trouve aussi les traces de ce signe en Scandinavie,
p. ex. a Dalekarlie on garde la plancheOe a calandrer, avec
beaucoup des dessins de cette espece. Ainsi, i l est sur les
anciens ornements suspendus, sur les pierres paiens avec de
runes, outre cela sur les fonts baptismaux deads.
Dans ce cas il porte le nom de „marteau de Torse".
Comme le suppose Reinhold Mejborg dans ce pays on
donne rare-ment a notre signe une qualite magique. Sa vraie
patrie est done le Nord.
E t quoique il est difficile encore de preciser la question,
la these de Mejborg nous semble bien vraisemblable.
Dans „KaIevala" parait le monstre au nom de Toursas ou
Toursa.
Beaucoup des observateurs s'occupent de I'ethymobgie de cet mot. Dernierement feu E . N . Setala -le celebrę
linguiste finois. Outre cela, il faut souligner, que d'apres le
grand ethnologue suedois Kaale Krohn, le „Hrugners hjarta"
suedois, (ou hjarta signifit le coeur) est simplement le n«m
de triangle. Son type quadrilatere est justement en finois
„tursaansydiin". Ca montre, que „sydan", -la deusieme partie
du mot, (qui designe aussi le coeur) est facile a expliquer.
A 1'Esthonie ce signe est venu des pays du Nord, car les
terrains, ou on le trouve, c'est sont les terrains du bord de
la mer.
Enfin quelle-que ne sont les conseptions, Tun est sur,
que ce signe represente l'ancienne culture nordique.
Les rares traces et traditions, lies avec ce signe, montrent
que c signe etait tres repandu aux temps passes et que c'est
seulement apres qu'il sort d'usage.
e

461
Peut -etre la cause de cet oublie, c'etait un autre signe
semblable, pćntagone, aujourd' hui le plus repandu de tous
les signes magiques.
Bibliographic: S u b Haltsonen: Sutomalaisistia taikamerkeista (uber d. finnischen Zauberzeichen. Eine etnografische
Monographic. 1936. (Kansatieteellinen Arkisto I I : 1).
(Helsinki).

Regional ethnographical museums in Poland
by Maria Frankowska
There are three distinctly traced aims for which regio­
nal museums exist: scientific, social and educational. Their
system, therefore, has to reflect the whole of popular culture
of a definite region, its ethnical structure i n time and space.
Besides reflecting the region's culture ethnographical mu­
seums ought to demonstrate the region's function in a larger
whole. Those aims can be reached, if the museum complies
w i t h the following requirements:
1. Instead of being a mechanical compilation of facte i t
must be a living image of the whole cultural structure.
2. Its contents must be such as t develop the taste for
learning to know one's own country.
3. Its character .must not be statical but dynamical.
0

A museum correctly organized, living and dynamical ma­
kes collections, conducts studies on the spot, works out mo­
nograph ies of territorial units, studies cultural facts, under­
takes the drawing of maps, cares for exact inventories con­
formed wiith modern scientific requirements. Archives gathe­
ring pictures, drawings, maps, phonographical collections and
a library with a properly 'managed bibliographical section are
other factors helpful i n carrying out the museum's plans.
To reach its social aim thus traced the museum must
assemble all the active elements of the region, i* must act on

the whole milieu and work along w i t h social institutions and
associations. Ocassions for such a collaboration may be fur­
nished by circular questionnaires.
Other factors stimulating
the museum's activities are ever changing shows giving people
the opportunity of exhibiting their various specialities and
interests. Every regional museum, therefore, must be directed
by the slogan written on the entrance of the Base Museum
at Bayonne: Who enters here is at home.
The tasks assigned to a regional museum are accompli­
shed by its acting cn life itself, on handicraft, on popular art,
literature, spectacles, on building even and decorative art.
Other means to that end, besides the arranging of shows, con­
sist i n excursions, lectures, courses and publications. To work
continuously w i t h schools and youth is a further way of rea­
lizing educational purposes.
The most perfect form of museum work is a „skansen"
conceived as a working school.
A large scale activity of the regional museum must go
along w i t h the correct gathering cf collections, their storing
and inventorizing — all this smoothing the way for later work.
The disposition of different exhibits in the museum must also
be subject to special care so as to fulfil requirements not only
professional but also esthetical and those referring to propa­
ganda. This important matter brings us to the question as to
how the museum is lodged. Wherever this may be, either i n
a building specially constructed for the museum or i n one
only adapted or i n „skansen" it must have: exhibition halls,
stores (also a library store), a library, archives, a black ca­
mera, a technical and scientific laboratory, a reading room,
a club room even and a guest room.
a

A regional museum must demonstrate certain accompli­
shed units, e. g. interiors of houses, farm buildings of a cer­
tain region and period. These are the means to arrange
a „skansen" reflecting i n the best way the full image of a cul­
ture and making quite easy its knowledge.

г
к.

K- -

463
The museum manager ought to have ethnographical stu­
dies and a museum practice. I t is the best, if he comes from
the region itself or knows at least thoroughly the milieu and
the culture represented by the museum. The chief duties o£
a manager are: the making cf collections, their preservation,
cataloguing, exhibiting, storing; scientific researches, sending
about of questionnaires, the survey of the .museum's manage­
ment and book keeping. Besides those many duties it must
also be the manager's, care to let the museum attain all the
aims specified above. Having a l l these responsilities he ought
to be quite free in his decicions.
I f the activity of the museum has to be efficient and on
a high level, it must have well trained and responsible emp­
loyees. Up to now, unfortunately, neither England, nor Fran­
ce, nor America, have solved this problem, nor even Germany
inspite of Friedlaender's system. MuseologisU are generally
men who having finished their studies went through a mu­
seum practice a,d a special course. Special stress is laid upon
practising in a bigger centre. The only possibility е х ^ п ц now in
Poland of organizing museological courses is given by the chairs
of ethnology and ethnography or by the Central Ethnographi­
cal Museum. The only place where such lectures and excretes,
are made is presently the Poznań University. To give ihe mu­
seologists a more thorough education special annual meetings
are necessary. A very urgent matter is the working out of
suitable museological manuals.
As the aims proposed may be attained only w i t h i n a fixed
budget, a museum can't work efficiently without fixed financiaf bases. This regards also custodians who shouldn't be en­
gaged periodically under contracts made for a fixed time only.
Such a way of proceeding doesn't allow people to take a real
interest for their work or to make plans for a longer period.
The organization of museums all over the country requi­
res the competencies of regional museums со be fixed as well
as their dealings with the central museum. Regional museums
keeping their- own autonomy ought to help each other, define

464

'

the scope of their activity and forward the gathering and
completing of materials. Regional ethnographical museums
must be controlled by competent offices and linked into
a common and free association.
The central ethnographical museum must be a reflected
picture of the regional museums the latter being limited to
their own region and taking into account only the necessary
comparative moments. A central museum, thus" conceived, will
become for regional cells a centre of direction, information
and training.
An efficient activity of regional museums is dependent
on an exact definition of their territorial reaches. An attempt
for such a regional division was made in 1933 by prof. Anto­
niewicz who set out a plan for a museum network:
I. Provincional museums in university towns. I I . District
museums with one or serveral sections. III. Subsidiary and
local museums. Prof. Antoniewicz came to the conclusion that
considering various division bases Poland ought to have
27 museal districts. Results reached up to now and changing
ethnical conditions in after-war Poland command the follo­
wing plan: a Central Ethnographical Museum in Warsaw,
Ethnographical Museums" in Kraków, Katowice, Poznań, Gdy­
nia, Łódź and Lublin and Regional Museums for lesser regio­
nal groups: for the Podhalans in Zakopane, for the Lachs in
Nowy Sącz and moreover in Żywiec and Cieszyn. For the
groups of Central Poland in Sandomierz, Rzeszów or Przemyśl,
in Kielce, Sieradz and Łęczyca, in Kalisz, Wieluń, Leszno, Ło­
wicz, in Włocławek or Toruń, in Płock, Nowogród on the
Narew and in Białystok.
Summing up what was said about the organization of re­
gional museums we have to state that, first of all, conditions
should be secured for the development of existing museums;
new ones may be established gradually and collections gathe­
red, for the time being, in bigger centres. The ethnographical
division should determine the areas assigned to the activity
of different regional museums.

£V

465

WUh. Muhlmann „Methodik der Volkerkunde"
by Dr. Edward Bulanda
As ethnology, despite the large progress it made since
Grabner, is a science lacking any method, the author intends
to fill this gap. He announces an original opinion concerning
its history and reaches the conclusion there is no reason wha­
tever to oppose, as scientists did till now, natural and histo­
rical sciences. Biology and history are an inseparable unit.
By ethnology he understands the study in whatever
create not only primitive peoples but all those we call civili­
sed living on the globe. The phenomena either of social and
psychical contacts or of the ethnos group taken as a whole
don't fall under the term culture, says the author.
According to the book's most fundamental assertion man's
activity, his deeds and his creations can be conceived only
as a structure intervowen with the mutual relations between
him and his milieu. Thus we take as granted a definite formation
for people as well as for their milieu; both are subordinated to
each other in a proper way.
Ethnology is defined as a science concerned with func­
tions depending and structures resting on man's relations to his
historical milieu. This relation finds its highest historical form
in the „ethnos" — the people.
Every creation of human activity is considered from two
points: the intentional refers to problems of. ideology, finality
and meaning particular to a given creation, form, expression
of social life and activity; the functional point views the adaptive
task inherent to activities, evolution and history. Author distin­
guishes functional unions of different order like .society, culture,
people. The last aim of ethnology consists in forming an
„ethnos" theory.
Following author the term ..culture" doesn't apply to ma­
terial culture, called by author civilisatory equipment. The
term cultural creation may conduct to the concept of an atomtstk conglomerate of cultural phenomena. Author proposes

466
to use instead the word „cultural feature" or ..cultural phe­
nomenon".
In the second part he undertakes to trace the history of
scientific ethnology. Here his originality appears i n the
choice of forerunners of modern ethnology. The greatest, he
thinks, among ancient ethnologists is Poseidonios who found
that „blood" was the main source of differences between the
civilization of barbarians .and that of Mediterranean peoples, I n
the MiddQe Ages he didn't find anybody with any merits i n
the field of ethnology. The spirit of medieval Christianity
didn't allow to develop the understanding of or the interest
for the religion of primitive peoples.
The decisive moment for ethnology comes, following
Muhlmann, with the spiritual revolution brought about h i
Europe by the era of what he calls historism. Because of the
method applied in his studies he recognizes the French Jesuit
Lafitau to be the founder of ethnoLgical sociology and ethno­
logical studies i n religion; he sees i n h i m the forerunner of
two later theories: the cyclical course of cultures (Vico) and
the second primitivity (Meiners). The first place i n ethnology
belonging t i l l then to France is now taken by Germany. The
names of J. R. Forster and Ge.-rge Forster his son, of Meiners
and Herder mark a new epoch between 1787 and 181.0. Author
bears interest for Meiners rather and chiefly because of his
opinions about races. He agrees, however, his properly ethno­
logical works to be of no value. J. R. Forster is superior to
Meiners i n exactitude. He laid great, stress on considering the
milieu i n ethnology. The romantic Herder holds his place i n
ethnology having discovered what marks the cultural work
of the people. Muhlmann sees in Herder the founder of spi­
ritual sciences as distinguished from the natural Despite Her­
der's merits this partition of sciences meant a certain paraIv.sis and delay in the development of ethnological thinking.
The link established by Edwards between the concepts
of race and history was the proper starting point for the
works of the Paris Ethnological Society. Gobineau's wctrk

467
about „the inequality of human races" was the last and, says
the author, the most important result of these studies. '
Darwin's discoveries which „marked a new epoch", put
i n the foreground the anthropological sciences leaving ethno­
logy behind. The ethnological material was nevertheless
gathered i n museums.
The highest summit is reached by ethnology w i t h the
appearance of Bastian's who made i t independent of other
sciences.
Darwin's theory helped ethnologists t establish the test
of selection and of individual prominency among primitive
peoples. E. Tylor is among ethnologists the real classic of evo­
lutionism. The evolutionist idea was applied mainly t the
sociological construction concerning the rise and develop­
ment of matrimony and family (Bachofen). The young Frobenius expresses the same idea in a new form, when he treats
societies like organic bodies.
0

0

Ratzel is taxed rather unfavourably. Muhlman reproaches
him to disregard the biological moment in ethnology.
Author makes a show of originality by treating with con­
tempt the school of history and culture. We explain ihis
criticism „cum ira et studio" by author's aversion for ,cleri­
cal hands" into which ethnology passed from Cologne to
Vienna. He contends that Ratzei's and Grabner's historism,
stamped in the style of the Viennese schol, is in ethnology an
epoch which has'ended for ever. This assertion is too bold.
Hardly two years after Muhlmann's book there appeared in
Germaimy an ethnological description of Africa. I t wns drawn
up by Baumann for colonial aims and based on hf> principle
of cultural circles. Following Miihlmann we could deem the
only legitimate way i n ethnology was functionalism and the
American theory of cultural areas.
:

;

The third part is systematical and based on the principle
that the d i s t i n c t i o n between natural and spiritual sciences
is a metaphor with no methodological importance. Dealing
w i t h the problem cf objectivity he declares himself i n favour

468
not only w i t h Vaihimger's theory .of fictitious objectivity but
also, what doesn't seem adequate, w i t h Heidegger's existencial philosophy. Thus dwindles again the difference between
ontology and cognition. Following Muhlmann's conception
objectivity is not a state but a process involving the change
of both the pereeivfog subject and the object perceived. We
wouldn't expect a biological functionalist to have any sym­
pathy for this life distant fictionism. Author finds his delight
in dialectical paradoxes and i n a way of thinking bare of a l l
discipline.
He then endeavours to expound the methodical princi­
ples serving to reach the so called ethnological report. In so
doing he marks the difference between understanding, explai­
ning and causality. After these observations of a general na­
ture referring to the theory of cognition Muhlmann gives us
some practical tests for the choice of ethnological facts. He
divides them in two categories. As ethnology, following his
definition, is the science of the ethnos' historical life invol­
ving the study in the historical relation between human orga­
nism and the historical milieu, he distinguishes aspects of
this historical life first as conciousness, then as activity. The
first, called intentional, are selected by the ethnologist by
means of the historical test of w e i g h i n g i m p o r t a n ¬
ce; in reaching the others, called functional data, the ethno­
logist uses' the test of r e i t e r a t i o n .
A t the beginning of all things stands the logos, the idea,
the knowledge, the thought, the notion of things. These are
precisely the intentional data which the ethnologist must inve­
stigate. He has to discover their centre, the spot of their utmost
intensity. This is to be found w i h the leading individuals,
those who are weighing factors. By the knowledge of this
logos we just may understand the emotional value of an idea
in a community's life and perceive the hierarchy of values par¬
ticular to a given people.
We deem the test above subject to certain reservations. It
is right in the form the author gives it, when we have to do

469
with an ideology predominant in a given time. But ethnolo­
gists must also ask whether such ideology is properly worked
out by that people, whether it results from its traditions or is
merely one imposed upon it. To know that, needs there'll be
to use often the test of lacking weight and turn to classes the
least influential in the current period.
The knowledge, the thought, the concept of worship, art,
technics and the like are not to be identified with technic,
worshipping or similar activities. For an ethnologist impor­
tant are those which „reappeair" in different expressions of
life.
Follows then a long paragraph concerning the formation
of types; author exposes there with other words the same ideas
which the historical and cultural school had about ^cultural
circles".
In the following Chapters we are given detailed hints аз
to how ought to be gathered intentional data concerning dif­
ferent expressions of life like society, religion, economy, art
etc. Many observations we find here are fins.
Author then deals in detail with functional data. Func­
tions of ethnical life are divided into three groups: of first,
second and third rate. The first refer to activities of indivi­
dual persons; the second to those raised by customs, manners
and institutions; the third are concerned with activities of
the highest social form i. e. of the people.
In a distinct Chapter Muhlmann gives methodical notices
for an ethnological study of historical changes. Another chap­
ter deals with the psychology of peoples, the last one with
tasks and aims of ethnology.
The book's chief merit consists in its being the first me­
thodology of functional ethnology. Its way of thinking, ho­
wever, isn't marked by strict discipline, unless we should call
so a meticulous putting of things into different pigeonholes.
Much patience too is required to have the book entirely read.
Author shows at any rate a good deal of ethnological expe­
rience, he gives many fine hints, has gathered an abundant

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470
ethnological material. Out of this he could have composed a good
synthesis, if only he had stuck by the principle which having
put forward he forgot: „wer nicht liebt, dem zeigt sich nichts"
(p. 210). He didn't try for instance t follow and to - study
closely the principles and methods of the historical and cultu­
ral school. Had he learned, -understood and explained them,
they'd have helped him to more discipline of though*.
Lublin, Bobolanum.
Fr. Edward Bulanda S. J .
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